Syria: The Next Humanitarian War?
The plan of imminent aggression against Syria has the same configuration that was employed to destroy Libya and overthrow Moammar Gadhafi. Julie Lévesque, investigator and analyst for the Centre for Research on Globalization in Canada, mentioned a few days ago in Global Research: “The ‘Syrian uprising’ seems to be a copy and paste of the ‘protest movement’ in Libya … The mainstream press has once again one principal source of information — the opposition groups.”
It is not about denying a voice to those who have legitimate reasons to oppose Syria’s Baath Party regime, headed by president Bashar al-Assad, but instead about knowing who represents the opposition, how authentic it is and if it has roots in greater public opinion.
“The Western media,” writes Lévesque, “neglects military casualties and fails to report that armed gunmen, 17,000 according to a report from the International Institute for Strategic Studies, are among the protesters.” Instead, they grant credibility to the so-called Syrian National Council, a far-right, antidemocratic organization that lacks popular representation.
Since April of 2010, the George W. Bush Institute in Dallas, Texas, which carries infamy in its very name, met with “political dissidents from China, Iran, Russia, Egypt, Syria, Venezuela and Cuba,” to examine “the successes and challenges for worldwide political opposition movements with presence on the Internet.” Experience and technology for the promoters of internal disorders, who lack real popular support.
The cases of Libya and Syria are fundamentally different from the so-called “Arab Spring,” which overthrew repressive and conservative governments that were aligned with the United States, like that of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, where the military leadership attempted to maintain the old order hidden under a pseudo-democratic façade. Hence, the Egyptian situation is again volatile.
Wayne Madsen, an independent journalist that works in Washington, D.C., columnist for several important newspapers, websites and news agencies and an analyst og security and defense issues at Fox News, BBC and Al-Jazeera, among other international news outlets, reported that the U.S. ambassador to Syria, Robert S. Ford, has gone to work on recruiting Arab death squads who are integrated with militants from al-Qaida in Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen and Chechnya, to fight security forces in Syria.
Again, geopolitical and geostrategic interests win over alleged ideological differences, which would make al-Qaida one of the worst enemies of the United States. Just as Washington trained and financed Osama bin Laden and his holy warriors to launch them against the Soviets in Afghanistan and later against the Russians in the Caucasus, now it doesn’t hesitate to take advantage of the same situation in Syria.
Between 2004 and 2006, Ford served as political counselor at the U.S. embassy in Iraq. Ambassador Ford served under John Dimitri Negroponte, who was previously the U.S. ambassador to Honduras between 1981 and 1985, a period in which he was a key figure in organizing the Nicaraguan contras and supporting death squads commanded by Roberto d’Aubuisson. Negroponte entrusted Ford with implementing the Salvadorian option in Iraq to quell the insurgency against the American occupation.
Today, as Syrian ambassador, Ford pledges loyalty to the Salvadorian option and organizes fundamentalist death squads, which lay the groundwork for public insurrection and Washington and NATO’s upcoming humanitarian war. The strategy is so obvious that the entire world should take notice, in the absence of the efficient work of propaganda and misinformation by the large Western media outlets.
It is not about denying a voice to those who have legitimate reasons to oppose Syria’s Baath Party regime, headed by president Bashar al-Assad, but instead about knowing who represents the opposition, how authentic it is and if it has roots in greater public opinion.
“The Western media,” writes Lévesque, “neglects military casualties and fails to report that armed gunmen, 17,000 according to a report from the International Institute for Strategic Studies, are among the protesters.” Instead, they grant credibility to the so-called Syrian National Council, a far-right, antidemocratic organization that lacks popular representation.
Since April of 2010, the George W. Bush Institute in Dallas, Texas, which carries infamy in its very name, met with “political dissidents from China, Iran, Russia, Egypt, Syria, Venezuela and Cuba,” to examine “the successes and challenges for worldwide political opposition movements with presence on the Internet.” Experience and technology for the promoters of internal disorders, who lack real popular support.
The cases of Libya and Syria are fundamentally different from the so-called “Arab Spring,” which overthrew repressive and conservative governments that were aligned with the United States, like that of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, where the military leadership attempted to maintain the old order hidden under a pseudo-democratic façade. Hence, the Egyptian situation is again volatile.
Wayne Madsen, an independent journalist that works in Washington, D.C., columnist for several important newspapers, websites and news agencies and an analyst og security and defense issues at Fox News, BBC and Al-Jazeera, among other international news outlets, reported that the U.S. ambassador to Syria, Robert S. Ford, has gone to work on recruiting Arab death squads who are integrated with militants from al-Qaida in Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen and Chechnya, to fight security forces in Syria.
Again, geopolitical and geostrategic interests win over alleged ideological differences, which would make al-Qaida one of the worst enemies of the United States. Just as Washington trained and financed Osama bin Laden and his holy warriors to launch them against the Soviets in Afghanistan and later against the Russians in the Caucasus, now it doesn’t hesitate to take advantage of the same situation in Syria.
Between 2004 and 2006, Ford served as political counselor at the U.S. embassy in Iraq. Ambassador Ford served under John Dimitri Negroponte, who was previously the U.S. ambassador to Honduras between 1981 and 1985, a period in which he was a key figure in organizing the Nicaraguan contras and supporting death squads commanded by Roberto d’Aubuisson. Negroponte entrusted Ford with implementing the Salvadorian option in Iraq to quell the insurgency against the American occupation.
Today, as Syrian ambassador, Ford pledges loyalty to the Salvadorian option and organizes fundamentalist death squads, which lay the groundwork for public insurrection and Washington and NATO’s upcoming humanitarian war. The strategy is so obvious that the entire world should take notice, in the absence of the efficient work of propaganda and misinformation by the large Western media outlets.
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