Strange Demands from the United States
Published in Prensa Libre
(Guatemala) on 26 December 2011
by (link to original)
There is little doubt that the United States often acts unexpectedly and is difficult to understand, according to the logic of other countries. This is the case of the demands made last week, which put Guatemala on the list so that in 2013 the U.S. Congress considers restoring funding and support to the Guatemalan army, which has been suspended for 44 years now, since 1977.
The main characteristic that should fill every demand is not to attack the one who receives it, even if it does not reach the category of threat. That could create serious, perhaps unsolvable, problems. But there is no chance of this happening if there is a unilateral decision, in this case one America made five decades ago and had in practice no real consequences. Therefore, within the logic of Guatemala, the answer is easy: Leave things as they have been for so long.
The military relationship between Guatemala and the United States was closed as a result of violations of human rights by the Guatemalan military. It was the time of the Cold War; the Berlin Wall had not fallen yet, Central America was the front line for guerrilla groups in confrontation with governments in the area and Cuban-Soviet support was undeniably effective. Then, the decision could be validly considered effective.
The Guatemalan army received weapons and training in other countries, bringing the United States politically closer. The civil war followed, socialism collapsed, the Cold War ended; 15 years ago came the peace agreements and no one seemed to remember the absence of U.S. military presence.
Several American requirements are already being met, and, as a related topic, in recent years there have been actions to prosecute senior military officers of those times, with the response call for guerrilla leaders whose orders also resulted in violence and murder. All with the additional factor that the Public Ministry and its present leadership has clear U.S. support, and it is impossible for anyone to justify the trial and punishment only for one side, so its requirement should encompass both.
The U.S. requirement is even less understandable when it refers to ending the military embargo, but they will only consider it as a possibility. The current situation indicates that the armies of the region should participate actively in the fight against drug trafficking. And on that topic so vital to U.S. interests is that this is not further entrenched. Much of Guatemala’s internal war was due to its proximity to the American union; there is no logic as to why there should be a second confrontation for the same reason. In short, today, America is more interested in a better armed and more effective Guatemalan army.
The main characteristic that should fill every demand is not to attack the one who receives it, even if it does not reach the category of threat. That could create serious, perhaps unsolvable, problems. But there is no chance of this happening if there is a unilateral decision, in this case one America made five decades ago and had in practice no real consequences. Therefore, within the logic of Guatemala, the answer is easy: Leave things as they have been for so long.
The military relationship between Guatemala and the United States was closed as a result of violations of human rights by the Guatemalan military. It was the time of the Cold War; the Berlin Wall had not fallen yet, Central America was the front line for guerrilla groups in confrontation with governments in the area and Cuban-Soviet support was undeniably effective. Then, the decision could be validly considered effective.
The Guatemalan army received weapons and training in other countries, bringing the United States politically closer. The civil war followed, socialism collapsed, the Cold War ended; 15 years ago came the peace agreements and no one seemed to remember the absence of U.S. military presence.
Several American requirements are already being met, and, as a related topic, in recent years there have been actions to prosecute senior military officers of those times, with the response call for guerrilla leaders whose orders also resulted in violence and murder. All with the additional factor that the Public Ministry and its present leadership has clear U.S. support, and it is impossible for anyone to justify the trial and punishment only for one side, so its requirement should encompass both.
The U.S. requirement is even less understandable when it refers to ending the military embargo, but they will only consider it as a possibility. The current situation indicates that the armies of the region should participate actively in the fight against drug trafficking. And on that topic so vital to U.S. interests is that this is not further entrenched. Much of Guatemala’s internal war was due to its proximity to the American union; there is no logic as to why there should be a second confrontation for the same reason. In short, today, America is more interested in a better armed and more effective Guatemalan army.
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