A Global Democratic Reversal

Published in The Merit Times
(Taiwan) on 19 April 2026
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
In 2026, the V-Dem Institute at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden released the 10th edition of the “Democracy Report.” The title directly asks, “Unraveling the Democratic Era?” The answer the report gives is disturbing: Worldwide, levels of democracy have already regressed to those of 1978. Half a century of democratization has been nearly wiped out.

Even more astonishing is that the countries leading the decline are not those that have already been regarded as authoritarian but rather are in the Western democratic world itself. Democratic indicators in democracies such as the U.S., the U.K. and Italy have all fallen together. During the first year of Donald Trump’s second term in office, the U.S. deteriorated from a “liberal democracy” to an “electoral democracy.” Its democracy score fell to the same level it was in 1965, and globally, America’s standing plummeted from 20th place to 51st.

In one year, the democracy index in the U.S. fell 24%. The speed of this decline not only outpaced that of countries in democratic decline, such as the U.K. and Italy, but was also several times faster than that led by Viktor Orban in Hungary and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey. It is an “unbelievable exception” that a large, wealthy Western power would dismantle its own democratic system at a near-coup pace. The U.S. is no longer a beacon of light — it is the first domino to fall in the democratic world.

The democratic backsliding of this era has a notable new characteristic: Under the guise of legitimacy, leaders obtain power through elections and then gradually dismantle the systems, thus making it difficult for them to retain power.

This is precisely what political scientists call “expansion of executive power.” Congress becomes merely a figurehead, the courts are controlled, the media is threatened and civil society is labeled subversive.

The report points out that the U.S. is experiencing “a rapid and aggressive concentration of powers,” weakened legislative oversight and declining civil liberties and media freedom. "The Republican-controlled Congress seems to have abdicated its constitutional role in favor of the executive branch, ceding significant legislative, fiscal, and oversight powers,” while the Trump administration is “unilaterally canceling or reallocating federal funding,” effectively taking over the “power of the purse” granted to Congress by the Constitution.

The pressure on the judiciary is equally concerning. Trump has not only “filed impeachment resolutions and misconduct complaints against district court judges who ruled against” him, but has also used executive orders to punish large law firms that defended his political opponents. He does not need to impose martial law; the shell of democracy remains, but it is already hollow.

The situation in Taiwan is equally alarming. Is the government using regulatory mechanisms to silence unfriendly political voices? The instrumentalization of the judiciary equally deserves attention.

The pressure online is omnipresent. Organized groups on social media platforms launch collective attacks on those who criticize the ruling party. At the end of 2025, the Executive Yuan decided on an amendment to the National Security Act that makes “publicly promoting, proposing or supporting war against Taiwan” punishable by a fine of up to almost U.S.$32,000. Scholars question whether this will lead to a concentration of executive power and have a chilling effect on freedom of speech.

The V-Dem report particularly points out that freedom of speech is the democratic pillar most severely harmed. Over the past 25 years, it has also been the most frequent target of authoritarian leaders. Government censorship of the media has become the “favored weapon of dictators and ambitious individuals.” Moreover, self-censorship by the media — “a preemptive measure to avoid direct censorship or persecution” — is becoming increasingly serious in nearly 40 countries, including the U.S.

Political polarization turns opponents into enemies or traitors. Fake news on social media makes reaching a consensus on facts increasingly difficult. Pro-government forces online exclude dissent from public discussion. If these phenomena continue to worsen, democracy will become only a shell of elections without the soul of free discussion.

Democracy has never been static. It must be continually and actively chosen and guarded by each generation of citizens. Transitioning from a democracy to an autocracy is easy; transitioning from an autocracy to a democracy is difficult. This hard-won democracy deserves to be cherished and protected.


二○二六年,瑞典哥登堡大學V-Dem研究所發布第十版《民主報告》,標題直接提問:「民主時代正在瓦解嗎?」報告給出的答案令人不安:全球民主水準已退回一九七八年的水平,半世紀以來的民主化成果幾乎消耗殆盡。

更令人震驚的是,這次領跌的不是向來被視為威權的地區,而是西方民主世界本身。美國、英國、義大利等傳統民主國家的民主指標同步下滑,而美國更在川普第二任期的第一年內,從「自由民主」淪為「選舉民主」,民主分數跌至一九六五年的水平,排名從全球第二十位驟降至第五十一位。

一年之內,美國的自由民主指數下降了百分之二十四,速度之快,不僅超過了同屬民主倒退陣營的英國和義大利,甚至比匈牙利的奧班、土耳其強人的厄多岡還快上數倍。這是一個「令人難以置信的例外」,一個富裕的西方大國,竟以近乎政變的速度親手拆解自己的民主制度。美國不再是一座燈塔──它正在成為民主世界的第一塊骨牌。

這個時代的民主倒退,有一個顯著的新特徵:穿著合法的外衣,透過選舉取得權力後,逐步拆解讓自己難以維持權力的制度。

這正是政治學者所稱的「行政擴權」──國會被架空,法院被控制,媒體被威嚇,公民社會被扣上顛覆的帽子。

報告指出,美國出現了「迅速而積極的權力集中」,立法監督被削弱,公民自由和媒體自由顯著衰退。共和黨控制的國會「放棄了其《憲法》角色,將立法、財政和監督權力讓渡給行政部門」,川普政府甚至「單方面取消或重新分配聯邦資金」,實際上接管了《憲法》賦予國會的「錢袋權」。

對司法機構的壓力同樣令人憂心:川普不僅對裁決不利的法官發動「彈劾決議和不當行為投訴」,還透過行政命令懲罰為其政治對手辯護的大型律師事務所。不需要戒嚴,民主的外殼還在,內裡卻已空洞。

台灣的處境同樣令人警惕。政府是否正在透過監理機制,封閉政治上不友善的聲音?司法的工具化同樣值得關注。

網路空間的壓力更是無所不在。有組織的側翼動員在社群平台針對批評執政黨的人士進行集體攻擊。二○二五年底,行政院拍板《國家安全法》修正草案,對「公開鼓吹、倡議或支持對我國發動戰爭」的行為最高可處一百萬元罰鍰。學者質疑,此舉將導致行政權力集中,造成寒蟬效應,影響言論自由。

V-Dem報告特別指出,言論自由是受創最嚴重的民主支柱,過去二十五年間,它是威權化領導人最常攻擊的目標。政府審查媒體已成為「獨裁者和野心家最青睞的武器」。而媒體自我審查──一種「為避免直接審查或迫害而採取的預防性措施」──正在包括美國在內的近四十個國家中日益嚴重。

政治極化將對手定性為敵人或通敵,社群媒體的假訊息讓事實共識愈來愈難以建立,親政府的網路力量將異見者從公共討論驅逐──這些現象若持續惡化,終將讓民主只剩選舉的外殼,失去自由討論的靈魂。

民主從來不是靜止的狀態,它需要每一代公民持續主動地選擇與守護。民主到專制有多容易,專制到民主就有多難──這份得來不易的民主,值得我們每一個人多加珍惜和維護。
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