Dissolution and B.D.S.

Published in El País
(Spain) on 22 April 2014
by Miguel Ángel Bastenier Martínez (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Marie Winnick. Edited by Heather Martin.
The Palestinian Authority, exhausted by a negotiation with Israel that it deems useless, is betting on three methods to break the deadlock. One of such is B.D.S., which stands for boycott, divestment and sanctions, although they can’t formally support it or else they would lose the insufficient-but-imperative aid of American diplomacy. Second is its association with numerous international organizations and extensions of the U.N., which they could use to aggravate Israel politically. The third and most serious is its voluntary disbandment, with which they would leave Jerusalem and the U.N. with the hot potato of having to procure law enforcement, health care and education—a modicum of government—for the Palestinians of the West Bank. The hopes that something from all that could force Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu out of office are however less than minimal. Furthermore, it would signify a falling out or end of talks with Washington.

This final phase of the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic struggle began in September of 2010 when President Obama met at the White House with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, Netanyahu and the monarchs of Jordan and Saudi Arabia to re-launch the process of direct talks among the parties. Under the tireless guidance of U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, the negotiations to establish a peace plan have been progressing in fits and starts since July 2013. They are supposed to conclude by April 29, so that by the end of the year their implementation will be fine-tuned and the peace treaty certainly signed in 2014. They need to hurry because Obama’s term ends in 2016.

The PA has tried several times to put an end to this series of meetings: On the first Friday of every month, Israel announces new construction in the occupied territories and also has yet to free the last group of 106 Palestinian prisoners to which it had agreed. Jerusalem’s counterargument is that the PA has broken its agreements by trying to internationalize its cause. Still today no one knows if the negotiations will go past April, although Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has let them twist his arm so many times that one more won’t make a difference.

The B.D.S. movement only began to gather strength in recent years. Remember that the Arab League has been holding its own boycott since the creation of Israel in 1948, with no effect on the ground. Those three initiatives, especially the B.D.S., favor immobilizing Jerusalem as much they favor the existence of Hamas, which has not given up on destroying the Zionist state. The meeting of the three methods, of which dissolution is even worse than returning to square one, as if there had never been Palestinian autonomy, constitutes a catastrophe without relief.

Despite everything, the U.S. cannot allow that journey to nowhere to fade away, be it together or separately. But maintenance of the status quo negotiator is not thus less encouraging.


Disolución y B. D. S.
EE UU no puede admitir que las negociaciones de paz palestino-israelíes sean un viaje hacia la nada
MIGUEL ÁNGEL BASTENIER 22 ABR 2014 - 16:31 CET

La Autoridad Palestina (AP), exhausta de una negociación con Israel que estima inútil, cabalga sobre tres fórmulas para romper el punto muerto. Una es la B. D. S., iniciales de boicoteo, desinversión y sanciones, aunque formalmente no la pueda respaldar para no perder el insuficiente pero imprescindible apoyo de la diplomacia norteamericana; la segunda es el ingreso en numerosas organizaciones internacionales y extensiones de la ONU, desde las que podría hostigar políticamente a Israel; y la tercera, y más grave, su autodisolución, con lo que dejaría a Jerusalén y la ONU la patata caliente de procurar policía, sanidad y educación, un modicum de gobierno, a los palestinos de Cisjordania. Las expectativas de que algo de todo ello pueda mover la silla al primer ministro israelí Benjamin Netanyahu son, sin embargo, menos que mínimas, y significarían la ruptura con Washington o fin de las conversaciones.

Esta última fase del forcejeo diplomático palestino-israelí comenzó en septiembre de 2010 cuando el presidente Obama reunió a Mahmud Abbas, presidente de la AP, Netanyahu y los soberanos de Jordania y Arabia Saudí en la Casa Blanca para relanzar el proceso de negociaciones directas entre las partes. Con el pastoreo incansable del secretario de Estado norteamericano John Kerry, los encuentros han procedido a trompicones desde julio de 2013 con el objetivo de establecer un plan de paz, que debía estar acordado para el próximo día 29, de forma que hasta fin de año se afinara su aplicación y pudiera firmarse la paz siempre en 2014. Hay prisa porque Obama acaba mandato en 2016.

La AP ha intentado varias veces poner fin a esa fase de contactos porque Israel anuncia cada primer viernes de mes nuevas construcciones en los territorios ocupados, y no ha puesto en libertad al último cupo de 106 presos palestinos, como estaba acordado. Jerusalén contraargumenta que la AP ha incumplido los pactos tratando de internacionalizar su causa. Y aún hoy se ignora si las negociaciones seguirán después de abril, aunque el presidente palestino Mahmud Abbas ha dado ya tantas veces su brazo torcer que una más no le costará tanto.

El movimiento B.D.S. solo empezó a cobrar fuerza en los últimos años, y recuérdese que la Liga Árabe mantiene su propio boicoteo desde la creación de Israel en 1948, con nulo efecto sobre el terreno. Esas tres iniciativas, y en especial la B. D. S., favorecen el inmovilismo de Jerusalén tanto como la misma existencia de Hamás, que no ha renunciado a destruir el Estado sionista. Y la reunión de las tres fórmulas, de las que la disolución es incluso peor que volver a la casilla cero, como si no hubiera habido nunca autonomía palestina, constituye una catástrofe sin paliativos.

EE UU no puede, pese a todo, consentir que, conjuntamente o por separado, ese viaje hacia la nada se consume. Pero el mantenimiento del statu quo negociador no es por ello menos alentador.
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