Tragedy Is Undermining Chavista Power, but Trump Is Not Accelerating the Political Transition
If María Corina Machado manages to enter Venezuela, plans could fall through.
The two earthquakes that have struck Venezuela have further undermined Chavista power. However, although it is gaining influence in the country as a key player in the reconstruction effort, the Trump administration does not seem willing to accelerate the political transition that would ultimately lead to free elections and the establishment of a government with democratic legitimacy.
Venezuelans are witnessing not only the physical collapse of their surroundings but also the collapse of an entire sociopolitical system of which only a shell remained: military personnel who have not thrown themselves into the cleanup efforts, authorities who are hindering rescue teams, hospitals lacking necessary emergency resources, and housing built for the working classes that was of such poor quality that it was the first to collapse.
The frustration of citizens in the affected areas is enormous, and the best way for the country to regain hope is to provide political options for action now and prepare for upcoming elections with a clear timeline. But Washington is determined above all to preserve the authority of interim President Delcy Rodriguez, without even “authorizing” the return of opposition leader María Corina Machado to the country.
The natural disaster that struck Venezuela marks the collapse of Chavismo, even in the eyes of those who defended it until the very end. Part of today’s suffering is due to the perversity of this system. One example of this is the Great Mission Housing Venezuela, which for years boasted that it was building homes for the working classes. Now the reality has been exposed through poorly constructed buildings — partly by Turkish, Iranian and Belarusian companies — that did not meet quality standards. These fueled the corrupt enrichment of Chavista leaders and sought to maintain the loyalty of voters who aspired to receive one of those homes or who already had one.
Another example is the Mission into the Neighborhood: the Cuban clinics that sought to exert social control over the slums and served as an excuse for the government not to invest in the public hospital system, which has sorely lacked all kinds of medical supplies all these years.
The military’s inaction — they have failed to provide the debris-removal equipment that they were supposed to have, and, above all, have limited themselves to watching the rescue efforts — has greatly angered Venezuelans, who have booed Rodriguez during some of her visits to affected areas.
In the face of a devastating natural disaster, an efficient dictatorship can win over its citizens if it responds promptly, but Chavismo is not efficient. A situation like the current one lays bare all of the system’s shortcomings, as well as the dishonesty of its narrative.
It’s not that citizens are going to take to the streets to overthrow the government — since now, more than ever, the priority is survival — but between the perception that the country’s leaders are ineffective and the increasing reliance on the coordination and resources that Washington can provide, an opportunity has appeared for Washington to restrain the Chavista regime. However, this does not seem to be happening.
Machado and other opposition leaders know that their work today lies in the streets of Venezuela, helping their fellow citizens overcome the damage caused by the earthquakes and sharing in their plight, and they will do everything possible to ensure that this is the case. They are aware that the current tragedy is changing the political landscape and forcing them to play on a new stage, upending any predictions that might have been made regarding the transition timeline. If Machado manages to enter the country, Donald Trump will be forced to make a move.
The two earthquakes that have struck Venezuela have further undermined Chavista power. However, although it is gaining influence in the country as a key player in the reconstruction effort, the Trump administration does not seem willing to accelerate the political transition that would ultimately lead to free elections and the establishment of a government with democratic legitimacy.
Venezuelans are witnessing not only the physical collapse of their surroundings but also the collapse of an entire sociopolitical system of which only a shell remained: military personnel who have not thrown themselves into the cleanup efforts, authorities who are hindering rescue teams, hospitals lacking necessary emergency resources, and housing built for the working classes that was of such poor quality that it was the first to collapse.
The frustration of citizens in the affected areas is enormous, and the best way for the country to regain hope is to provide political options for action now and prepare for upcoming elections with a clear timeline. But Washington is determined above all to preserve the authority of interim President Delcy Rodriguez, without even “authorizing” the return of opposition leader María Corina Machado to the country.
The natural disaster that struck Venezuela marks the collapse of Chavismo, even in the eyes of those who defended it until the very end. Part of today’s suffering is due to the perversity of this system. One example of this is the Great Mission Housing Venezuela, which for years boasted that it was building homes for the working classes. Now the reality has been exposed through poorly constructed buildings — partly by Turkish, Iranian and Belarusian companies — that did not meet quality standards. These fueled the corrupt enrichment of Chavista leaders and sought to maintain the loyalty of voters who aspired to receive one of those homes or who already had one.
Another example is the Mission into the Neighborhood: the Cuban clinics that sought to exert social control over the slums and served as an excuse for the government not to invest in the public hospital system, which has sorely lacked all kinds of medical supplies all these years.
The military’s inaction — they have failed to provide the debris-removal equipment that they were supposed to have, and, above all, have limited themselves to watching the rescue efforts — has greatly angered Venezuelans, who have booed Rodriguez during some of her visits to affected areas.
In the face of a devastating natural disaster, an efficient dictatorship can win over its citizens if it responds promptly, but Chavismo is not efficient. A situation like the current one lays bare all of the system’s shortcomings, as well as the dishonesty of its narrative.
It’s not that citizens are going to take to the streets to overthrow the government — since now, more than ever, the priority is survival — but between the perception that the country’s leaders are ineffective and the increasing reliance on the coordination and resources that Washington can provide, an opportunity has appeared for Washington to restrain the Chavista regime. However, this does not seem to be happening.
Machado and other opposition leaders know that their work today lies in the streets of Venezuela, helping their fellow citizens overcome the damage caused by the earthquakes and sharing in their plight, and they will do everything possible to ensure that this is the case. They are aware that the current tragedy is changing the political landscape and forcing them to play on a new stage, upending any predictions that might have been made regarding the transition timeline. If Machado manages to enter the country, Donald Trump will be forced to make a move.
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