Hong Kong Media: Sino-US Relationship Needs to Be Stabilized with Wisdom

Published in Huanqiu
(China ) on 21 November 2012
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jingman Xiao. Edited by Kyrstie Lane.
The rapid rise of China seems to upset the onetime hegemon, the U.S., to the point where it hardly feels at ease. Even during the three debates between Obama and Romney, China was mentioned 35 times by both candidates. Due to the preliminary success of the war on terror, the U.S. now begins its return to China and has adopted a series of measures to constrain China, which brings the Sino-U.S. relationship to a very profound and subtle moment. After the confirmation of Xi Jinping as China’s new leader and the re-election of Obama, it is necessary for the two leaders to seek stable relations with wisdom in this dynamic world.

The Honeymoon Is Always Transient

After the outbreak in the Pacific battlefield during World War II when fascism was the common enemy of all, the U.S. generously passed the Lend-Lease program and provided China with $1.3 billion worth of funds to support China’s anti-Japanese war.

President Roosevelt said in a speech that millions of ordinary Chinese people showed great determination in resisting the invasion and that China undoubtedly deserved help. In response to this, Mao Zedong enthusiastically wrote in a letter to Roosevelt in 1944: The Chinese and American people have always had a solid friendship based on history and traditions. I strongly hope that your effort and success will ensure both China and America’s progress in the undertakings of beating the Japanese enemy, rebuilding permanent peace in the world and establishing a democratic China.*

However, the U.S. did not help China unconditionally. Due to the fear of communism and a misunderstanding of Red China, the U.S. resorted to extreme measures trying to constrain, isolate and blockade China for the past 20 years. After the Cold War, because China had risen in power and thus its international status had become a national security concern of both countries, the tendency to work against the USSR prevailed. President Nixon eventually realized that there was simply no place to accommodate the anger and rage of 1 billion workers on this small planet. China, under a strong ideological influence, also started to approach and engage its hereditary enemy, the U.S.

Since the Sino-U.S. relationship is faced with great competition in many fields, yet not full-scale confrontation, the U.S. China policy has not yet been determined, which results in ambiguous strategies toward China. During the Cold War, the U.S. had a clear set of strategies against the USSR, including full-scale containment and strategic competition. However, for a considerably long period of time, the U.S. has found it hard to make its China policy as clear as the one it had for the Soviet Union. One of the most important reasons is the impact of globalization, regionalization and the ever-increasing interdependence of the two countries. If mutual isolation was the structural factor for both parties during the Cold War, then mutual interdependence is the fundamental structure of the Sino-U.S. relationship today. Although this structure is still subject to changes and alterations, some degree of relative stability has started to materialize. Both the U.S. and China would pay incomparably huge political and economic costs if they wanted to go back to a mutually isolated structure. That is to say, U.S. interests will be harmed if its attitudes toward China are too unyielding.

The Mutually Dependent Gambling Relationship

The fact that U.S. policy toward China has shown a great deal of uncertainty can be understood from two levels of analysis. First, uncertainty is generated from changes, since the structure itself is constantly changing. Second, the structure implies the increasingly wide range of interactions and thus more conflicts, which has been embodied in the relationship between China and the U.S. as well as between other countries. The uncertainty on the U.S. side indicates the massive pressure China is going to feel from the U.S. Because of this interdependence, the U.S. has more mechanisms and measures to influence and pressure China.

The challenge China faces is how to deal with the uncertainty of China policy in the U.S. On the one hand, the interdependence determines that the relationship between the two will be an interactional and reciprocally transformational one. On the other hand, this lets the two countries confront the uncertainty directly. It is hard for either country to come up with a package solution. This is particularly the case where some Western countries, led by the U.S., slander China with respect to human rights, trade, “Made in China” and national security. We could respond to this by following the principle of “an eye for an eye,” especially with problems of core interests. However, venting is never the solution. Instead, we should deploy reasonable, beneficial and disciplinary strategies and treat the conflicts and difficulties between China and the U.S. with sufficient patience and amplified rationality. In the meantime, under uncertainty, China should seek a relatively stable policy toward the U.S. in order to achieve a relatively stable relationship. This requires decision-makers and policymakers to face and deal with the inevitable problems from a historical perspective, with a more gentle and placid attitude, a more open and clear heart and more flexible methods.

*Editor’s note: It is unclear whether this is a direct quotation from Mao’s letter or the author’s summary of the letter.


中国的迅速崛起,似乎让曾经一度世界独大的美国有了寝食难安的感觉,就连奥巴马与罗姆尼的三场辩论中,双方竟53次提及中国。由于反恐战争取得初步胜利后,美国开始腾出手来重返亚洲,并对中国采取一系列遏制政策,中美关系由此也步入一个非常奥妙的历史时刻。在习近平继任、奥巴马连任之后,从此将更加需要中美两国领导人智慧地在动态中寻求中美关系的稳定。
  蜜月期总是很短暂
  第二次世界大战特别是太平洋战争爆发后,在面临法西斯主义这个共同敌人的背景下,美国慷慨地通过了《租借法》,在1941年到1945年期间向中国提供了13亿多美元的资助,支持中国的抗日战争。
  罗斯福总统在演说中讲道:千千万万的普通中国人民,在抗拒中国被敌人宰割中显示出同样伟大坚强的意志……中国毫无疑问地将得到我们的帮助。对此,毛泽东在1944年致罗斯福的信中也热情洋溢地表示:我们中国人民和美国人民一向是有历史传统的深厚友谊的。我深愿经过您的努力与成功,使得中美两大民族在击败日寇、重建世界的永久和平以及建立民主中国的事业上永远携手前进。
  然而,美国的对华友好并不是无条件的。出于对共产主义的惧怕和对红色中国的误解又使得在长达20多年的时间里,美国无所不用其极地遏制、孤立和封锁中国。冷战之后,由于中国自身综合国力与国际地位的上升,以及两国对各自国家安全的考虑,才使中美联手共同抗衡苏联成为大势所趋。美国总统尼克松最终认识到,在这个小小的星球上,已经没有地方能容纳下10亿潜在的最能干的人民生活在孤独的愤怒之中。中国也在相当浓厚的意识形态背景下与作为宿敌的美国接近和交往。
  由于目前中美关系处于诸多领域全面竞争、而不是全面对抗的态势,因而美对华政策呈现阴阳不定的特点,其直接后果便是美国对中国长期采取模糊战略。在冷战时期,美国对付苏联有明确的政策,即全面遏制和战略竞争。然而,在相当长的时间里,美国还很难制定出如同冷战时对苏政策那样清晰的对华政策。其中最重要的原因就是经济全球化和区域化以及中美两国间的相互依存因素在日益增加。如果说相互孤立是冷战时期美苏两大集团的结构性因素,那么相互依存则是今天中美关系的一个基本结构。尽管这个结构还处于变动之中,但也呈现出相对稳定的趋势。中美双方要回到相互孤立的结构,都会付出巨大无比的政治和经济代价。也就是说,美国对中国的过度强硬也将损害美国自身的国家利益。当然,这也适用于中国的对美政策。
  


相互依存的博弈关系
  美国对华政策表现出相当大的不稳定性,可以从两个层面上看待这个问题:首先是这个结构本身还处于变动状态,变化自然产生不确定性。其次,这个结构意味着中美双方的接触越来越广。接触越多,摩擦也自然增加,这也表现在中美两国和其他国家的关系上。美国对华政策的不确定性,意味着中国会受到来自美国的非常大的压力。正是由于相互依存,美国拥有更多的机制和手段来影响中国和对华施压。
  中国面临的挑战是如何应付美国对华政策的不确定性。中美两国的相互依存状态一方面决定了两国的关系是一个相互影响、相互转型的过程,另一方面也促使两国直面对方的不确定性。两国之间,很难制定出一揽子对华或对美政策。特别是,当前以美国为首的一些西方国家在人权、贸易、中国制造、国家安全等诸多领域对中国大泼脏水。对此,我们可以选择以牙还牙的处理方法,尤其是那些事关中国核心利益问题。但是,处理国与国之间的关系不能以解气解恨为最终目的,而要采取有理、有利、有节的斗争策略,用足够的耐心和加倍的理性来看待中美关系面临的矛盾和困难。同时,中国对美政策需要在不确定的大框架下,动态中寻求相对稳定的政策,以求得相对稳定的中美关系。这需要决策者和政策制定者们,能站在历史的高度,以更加平和的心态、更加豁达的胸襟、更加灵活的方法来面对和处理中美之间不可避免地出现的各种矛盾。
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