Wars (That Aren’t Wars) Declared with Questionable Legal Authority

Published in El País
(Spain) on 24 September 2014
by Yolanda Monge (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jason Booker. Edited by Emily France.

 

 


The White House has not sought the approval of Congress to attack the Islamic State in Syria and refuses to qualify the military operation as a war.

The fact that legality or illegality is determined by expert jurists but avoided by senators and legislators with partisan interests could be summed up by the much used Capitol Hill phrase ‘politics as usual.’ Equally, the actual limitation—or not—of the president’s power to declare war does not so much respond to the spirit of the law as to the current political moment. That Congress is neglecting its constitutional responsibility and abandoning Washington in order to avoid a vote that may damage politicians seeking reelection on November 4 is a prime example of this.

The White House begins to stammer uncontrollably when it tries to explain the source of the legal authority claimed by Barack Obama to attack Syria and the Sunni radicals of the self proclaimed Islamic State and hides behind the Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF) of 2001 and 2003.

In the first case, then President George W. Bush had the authority to act against “nations, organizations or people that helped, committed or planned the terrorist attacks that took place on 9/11, or those who harbored these organizations or people” In the second, Bush was given the green light to declare war in order to “defend the national security of the U.S. against the continued threat posed by Iraq,” then ruled by Saddam Hussein.

Obama has not sought the authorization of Congress to initiate what sounds like a war, looks like a war and creates casualties like a war, regardless of how much the White House refuses to use the term. By adding Khorasan to the attacks, the enemies of the White House now seem to be two instead of one. Under the War Powers Act— that was approved by both houses of Congress in 1973 following the discovery that Richard Nixon had authorized the covert bombing of Cambodia—the Democratic administration has notified senators and representatives of their military action in Iraq and Syria, but this is no substitute for the authority that, as established by the founding fathers when they granted Congress the ability to declare war- should be a necessity in order to declare war.

The White House, this White House, has initiated a military attack against a nation just as it did with other presidents: Bill Clinton in 1991 in Serbia, George H.W. Bush in Panama in 1989, and Ronald Reagan in Grenada in 1993 — and Obama in 2011 in Libya. In all previous cases, including the Korean War, Congress had no part in the decision.

What the White House has not done— which would have been much simpler, according to legal experts on executive power, or at least would have served as a cover-up— is to shield itself behind Article II of the Constitution, the president’s power to declare war, although it would have involved an association with the bad decisions made by the previous administration.

In terms of international legality, the U.S. attended the 69th United Nations General Assembly this week with one action already carried out: the bombing of Syria without the consultation of the Security Council. The bombing of Iraq does not count, as the government of this country requested Washington’s assistance.

In a letter to the secretary-general of the U.N., the U.S. ambassador to the organization, Samantha Power, cites Article 51 of the United Nations Charter as a guarantee of legal authority to attack Syria, given that it allows self-defense in the face of attack and that the regimen of Bashar Al Assad is not responding to the threat posed by the Islamic State. “States should be able to defend themselves when they are facing a case where the government of the state where the threat is rooted is unable or does not wish to prevent it,” Power said. “In this way, the U.S. has begun the necessary and appropriate military action in Syria to eliminate the threat [of the Islamic State] in Iraq.”


Guerras que no se llaman guerra y de cuestionable cobertura legal

La Casa Blanca no ha buscado el apoyo del Congreso para atacar al Estado Islámico en Siria y se resiste a calificar la operación militar como una guerra

Que la legalidad o ilegalidad esté en boca de expertos juristas pero sea evitada por senadores y legisladores con intereses partidistas podría quedar resumida en la tantas veces repetida frase en Capitol Hill de politics as usual (el politiqueo de siempre). O lo que es lo mismo, la verdadera limitación –o no- de los poderes de guerra del presidente no responde tanto al espíritu de la ley como al momento político. El Congreso desatendiendo su responsabilidad constitucional y abandonando Washington para evitar un voto que pueda dañar a los políticos que renuevan cargo el próximo 4 de noviembre es un ejemplo de ello.

La Casa Blanca entra en un balbuceo sin límites cuando comienza a explicar de donde nace la autoridad legal que se arroga Barack Obama para atacar en Siria a los radicales suníes del autoproclamado Estado Islámico y se refugia en la Autorización para el Uso de la Fuerza Militar (AUMF) de 2001 y 2003.

Con la primera, el entonces presidente George W. Bush quedaba autorizado para actuar “contra aquellas naciones, organizaciones o personas que habían ayudado, cometido o planeado los ataques terroristas que sucedieron el 11-S o dieron cobijo a esas organizaciones o personas”. Con la segunda, Bush tuvo luz verde para declarar la guerra “para defender la seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos contra la continua amenaza que suponía Irak”, entonces gobernado por Sadam Husein.

Obama no ha pedido autorización al Congreso para iniciar lo que suena como una guerra, pinta como una guerra y deja bajas como una guerra por mucho que la Casa Blanca no lo llame por ese nombre -y cuyos enemigos ahora parecen ser dos y no uno, al añadir Jorasan a los ataques-. Bajo la Ley de Poderes de Guerra -que en 1973 aprobaron ambas Cámaras del Congreso, tras filtrarse que Richard Nixon había bombardeado secretamente Camboya-, la Administración demócrata ha notificado a senadores y representantes sobre sus acciones militares en Irak y Siria, pero eso no es sustituto de la autorización que, como establecieron los padres fundadores al otorgar al Congreso la capacidad de declarar la guerra, debe conceder este último.

Bill Clinton atacó Serbia en 1991; George H. W. Bush Panamá en 1989; y Ronald Reagan Granada en 1983

La Casa Blanca, esta Casa Blanca, ha iniciado un ataque militar contra una nación como ya hiceran antes otros presidentes, ya fuera Bill Clinton en 1991 en Serbia; George H. W. Bush en Panamá en 1989; o Ronald Reagan en Granada en 1983 –y Obama en 2011 con Libia-. En todos los casos anteriores, incluida la Guerra de Corea, el Congreso no tomó parte en la decisión.

Lo que no ha hecho la Casa Blanca –y es lo que hubiera sido más sencillo, en opinión de juristas expertos en el poder ejecutivo, o al menos hubiera servido de maquillaje- es escudarse en el artículo II de la Constitución o el poder que tiene el presidente para declarar la guerra, ya que hubiera supuesto una asociación con malas decisiones tomadas por la anterior Administración.

En materia de legalidad internacional, EEUU ha acudido esta semana a la 69 Asamblea General de Naciones Unidas con un hecho ya consumado: los bombardeos sobre Siria sin que hayan pasado el filtro del Consejo de Seguridad. No cuentan los de Irak, porque el Gobierno de ese país solicitó la ayuda de Washington.

En una carta al secretario general de la ONU, la embajadora de EEUU ante esta organización, Samantha Powers, cita el artículo 51 de la Carta de Naciones Unidas como garantía de legalidad para atacar Siria, ya que este punto permite la autodefensa ante un ataque y el régimen de Bachar Al Asad no está respondiendo a la amenaza que supone el Estado Islámico. “Los Estados deben ser capaces de defenderse a sí mismos cuando se enfrentan a un caso en el que el Gobierno del Estado donde radica la amenaza es incapaz o no quiere prevenirla”, dijo Powers. “De esa manera, EEUU ha iniciado en Siria las acciones militares necesarias y proporcionadas para eliminar la amenaza [del Estado Islámico] a Irak”.
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