Quad Summit Should Become Framework for Supporting Stability

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 16 March 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Olivia Parker.
It is clear the group was formed in response to an increasingly powerful China. But nothing will come of it if it raises regional tensions and sows discord. It must be made into a framework that contributes to the stability of the global order.

The first summit meeting between Japan, America, Australia and India’s heads of state was held online and announced a strengthening of relations to ensure “a free and open Indo-Pacific” with a united voice. In the meeting, the leaders confirmed their intention to hold an in-person summit this year to discuss vaccine supply, climate change measures, cooperation in maritime security and more.

This framework, called the Quad, was proposed during the first term of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Each country has had a different trajectory in relation to China, but in recent years discussions have reached the level of bureau chiefs and foreign ministers.

This summit was convened at the request of U.S. President Joe Biden, who called China his “most serious competitor.” It could be considered the first step of the Biden administration’s diplomacy efforts with China, followed by a “two plus two” meeting with Japan’s foreign and defense ministers, a meeting with China’s top diplomats and Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s visit to America.

We welcome America’s revision of former president Donald Trump’s unilateralism and turn toward diplomacy that values contributions to Asia and alliance relationships. That being said, as the net around China appears to strengthen and oppositional steps are taken, the confrontation will escalate.

Some in China warn that the Quad is becoming an Indo-Pacific version of NATO. We should make clear that it is a cooperative relationship and draw the line at military matters.

What’s more, the four countries’ posture toward China is not unified. India, in particular, has a tradition of non-alliance and makes an effort to balance against China. This summit addressed issues on a global scale, like the response to COVID-19, out of consideration to India. It would be misguided to strengthen our confrontational attitude to China only to fall out of step.

We value dialogue and aim for coexistence on the basis of cooperation while suppressing Chinese activities that challenge the prevailing order, like its forceful maritime advances into the South and East China Seas. We request stubborn diplomatic efforts to involve China in the “free, open rules-based order, rooted in international law” proclaimed by the summit’s joint statement.

The four countries’ positions on the common values that form the basis for their coordination, like human rights and the rule of law, are also in dispute. For instance, India is not a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and develops and possesses nuclear weapons, and its human rights situation is viewed harshly by the international community. If we don’t close our eyes to our own problems and contribute to the spread of universal values, this framework will go beyond opposing China and hold meaning for supporting the global order.


台頭する中国をにらんだ結束であることは明らかだ。ただ、地域の緊張を高め、分断をもたらすことになっては元も子もない。国際秩序の安定に資する枠組みとせねばならない。

 日米豪印4カ国による初の首脳協議がオンラインで開かれ、「自由で開かれたインド太平洋」に向けた関係強化をうたう共同声明を発表した。新型コロナのワクチン供給や気候変動対策、海洋安全保障での協力のほか、年内に対面による首脳会談を行う方針も確認した。

 「4」を意味する英語にちなみ、Quad(クアッド)と呼ばれるこの枠組みは、安倍前首相が第1次政権の時に提唱した。各国の対中姿勢の違いなどから曲折もあったが、近年、局長級、外相級と会談のレベルをあげてきた。

 今回の首脳級協議は、中国を「最も重大な競争相手」と位置づけるバイデン米大統領の呼びかけで開かれた。この後、日本との外務・防衛担当閣僚会合(2プラス2)、中国との外交トップ会談、そして菅首相の訪米へと続く、バイデン政権の対中外交の第一歩といえる。

 米国がトランプ前大統領時代の一国主義を改め、アジアへの関与や同盟関係を重視する外交に転じたことは歓迎できる。とはいえ、対中包囲網の強化とみられ、対抗措置がとられれば、対立はエスカレートする。

 中国側にはQuadを「インド太平洋版のNATO(北大西洋条約機構)」につながる動きと警戒する見方もある。軍事とは一線を画した協力関係であることを明確にすべきだ。

 そもそも4カ国の中国への向き合い方は一様ではない。特にインドは「非同盟」の伝統を持ち、中国とのバランスに腐心している。今回の首脳協議で、コロナ対策など地球規模の課題への対応を前面に出したのも、インドへの配慮からだ。中国への対決姿勢を強め、足並みが乱れては本末転倒である。

 南・東シナ海での強引な海洋進出など、既存の秩序に挑む中国の行動を抑えつつ、対話を重ね、協調による共存をめざす。共同声明がうたう「国際法に根差した、自由で開かれ、ルールに基づく秩序」にどう中国を巻き込んでいくか、粘り強い外交努力が求められる。

 人権や法の支配など、価値観の共有を協力の基礎に置く4カ国側の姿勢も問われる。例えば、インドは核不拡散条約に加盟しないまま、核兵器を開発・保有し、その人権状況にも国際社会の厳しい目が注がれる。自らの課題に目をつぶることなく、普遍的価値の拡大に貢献できれば、この枠組みは対中という思惑を超えて、国際秩序を支える意味をもつに違いない。
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