Is Taiwan Being Pushed into a Proxy War?

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 14 November 2021
by Philip Yang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
There are already too many recent reports about war between Taiwan and China coming from political leaders and Western media to count. They range from speculating whether war will break out to when it will happen, and even to reports that Taiwan has been attacked. This year, Congress has proposed more than 10 bills related to Taiwan, and the frequency of visits to Taiwan by officials and members of Congress has increased. It feels as if everyone is already moving toward the front lines of battle; indeed, it has already become routine to fly American military aircraft to Taiwan.

At the same time, the U.S. is repeatedly playing the Taiwan card, making a show of supporting Taiwan’s admittance to the United Nations as well as Taiwan’s renaming its representative office. The U.S. waffles between strategic ambiguity and strategic clarity. President Joe Biden has twice spoken of America’s promise regarding Taiwan’s security, which has led President Tsai Ing-wen and the Taiwanese to believe that the U.S. will send troops to help defend Taiwan. Why all these big policy changes? U.S. legislators say they are concerned about Taiwan’s democracy and freedom, while officials say that because of the Chinese Communist Party’s expanding military strength, they worry about cross-strait peace and Taiwan’s security. These might all be justifiable reasons, but are they the only ones?

Another explanation with historical precedent is that the U.S. regards Taiwan as a pawn. Donald Trump was always ready to say that Taiwan is viewed as a stand-in which the U.S. could use to feel out and provoke the CCP. This is a proxy war. Proxy wars have been waged since ancient times. They were used widely during the Cold War due to the development of nuclear weapons. This kind of warfare occurs when one power wants to avoid direct confrontation with an enemy or is unwilling to engage in all-out war. To strike and destroy its enemy, it ensnares and uses a third party to wage its war instead.

Why might Taiwan be pushed into a proxy war? The first reason lies in the changing power dynamic between China and the U.S. To suppress emerging powers without using direct military conflict, which might incite nuclear war, the current hegemony requires a proxy war strategy. Over the last two years, the U.S. has raised the idea that China is a threat and has turned it into an enemy. Cross-strait tensions and Taiwan’s democratization just happen to be the perfect playing field for a proxy war.

Second, apart from the structural factor of strategic competition between China and the U.S., proxy wars of interest groups are also important. This is especially so for America’s military industrial complex, which has long relied on the enormous interests of U.S. national defense and international arms. However, the national defense budget has been slowly shrinking, and research and development funding for and orders to arms manufacturers are not in the same position as they once were. The military industrial complex urgently needs to construct a new enemy and conduct a proxy war for the U.S.

The ecology of the U.S. military industrial complex is complicated and includes the companies upstream and downstream from arms dealers, Congress members, retired officials and think tanks. There have been many reports in recent yers assessing cross-strait military affairs, as well as congressional acts relating to Taiwan. For example, a few days ago, congressional Republicans proposed the Taiwan Deterrence Act, which would provide $2 billion in military financing loans to Taiwan, to purchase U.S. weapons. At the same time, Secretary of the Navy Carlos Del Toro said that a peaceful or militaristic takeover of Taiwan by China would have the harshest impact on America’s economic stability. Actually, Del Toro created a technology company 17 year ago that conducted business with the Department of Defense, so one could say he is part of the military industrial complex.

Third, there is growing populism and chauvinism in U.S. politics. As part of a power struggle and in an effort to flaunt their accomplishments, political figures from Trump, Mike Pence and Mike Pompeo to Antony Blinken continue to expand on the utility of playing the Taiwan card. They also hope to provoke a strong response from the Chinese Communist Party. For example, when Wang Yi and Blinken met recently at the Group of 20 summit, Wang stated that if the issue of Taiwan is dealt with incorrectly, U.S.-China relations would be severely damaged. In response two days ago, Blinken said that should a unilateral force destroy the status quo across the strait, many countries would “take action.”

It is worth noting is that internal cooperation and incentives for proxies are critical factors in how great powers instigate proxy wars. Some proxy wars are even instigated by the proxies themselves, and the great powers are passively drawn into the conflict. In Taiwan’s case, changes in its politics and cross-strait relations have always been two important independent variables in the triangular relationship between the U.S., China and Taiwan that affect U.S.-China relations and peace in the Taiwan Strait. For example, after Chen Shui-bian espoused the One Country on Each Side concept, the U.S. and China adopted a more stable joint management of the Taiwan Strait. Today, the Tsai and Biden administrations seem to be competing to provoke Beijing, both impatient to step on that red line.

A war in the Taiwan Strait has no winners. For Taiwan, it would mean destruction and injury; for China, hindered development; and for the U.S., decreased hegemony. However, the U.S.-China power struggle, the U.S. military industrial complex and manipulation by Taiwan’s political leaders might unfortunately push Taiwan toward a proxy war. Hopefully, everyone will remain smart, pragmatic and cautious as they address the present and future of Taiwan on both sides of the strait.

The author is the former deputy secretary-general of the National Security Council.


名家縱論/台灣推向代理人戰爭?

最近有關兩岸戰爭的政治人物發言與西方媒體報導,已到不勝枚舉的程度,從是否會打,到時間預測,甚至各種攻台劇本應有盡有。美國會議員今年已提出十多項涉台法案,至於美國官員與國會議員訪台也是頻率大增,似乎都有前往戰爭前線的感覺,乘坐美國軍機來台已成常態。

同時,美國頻打「台灣牌」,高調支持台灣參與聯合國和代表處正名?,搖擺在戰略模糊與戰略清晰之間,拜登總統連兩次說出對台灣安全有承諾,讓蔡英文總統與民調都相信美國會出兵協防台灣。為何有這些大幅變化?美國國會議員說是因為關注台灣民主與自由,美國官員說是由於中共軍力發展,憂心兩岸和平與台灣安全。這些或許都是正當理由,但是僅只如此嗎?

另一種有歷史與實例支持的理由,則是美國將台灣視為棋子,或是川普口中的筆尖,將台灣視為代理人,用以試探與刺激中共,亦即「代理人戰爭」(proxy war)。代理人戰爭自古就有,冷戰時期因核武器出現而廣被運用,是指強權為避免與對手直接交戰,或不願發生全面戰爭,為打擊和消耗敵人,設局利用第三者來代替戰爭。

台灣為何可能會被推向代理人戰爭?首先,主要肇因於中美權力關係的變化,現狀霸權為壓制新興強權,但要避免直接軍事衝突引爆核戰爭,轉而運用代理人戰爭策略。美國各界這兩年高舉中國威脅論,將中國視為對手,而兩岸關係緊張與台灣民主化,正好提供代理人戰爭的最佳場域。

其次,除了中美戰略競爭的結構性因素外,利益團體的代理人戰爭也是重要因素,特別是美國的軍工複合體,長久依靠美國國防與國際軍火的龐大利益結構;但是美國國防預算逐漸下降,軍火製造商的研發經費與採購訂單也大不如前,軍工複合體急需建構美國新敵人及新代理人戰爭。

美國軍工複合體的生態複雜,從軍火商上下游企業、國會議員、退休官員及智庫等,近年多份有關兩岸軍事評估報告及國會涉台法案都有其身影。例如日前美國會共和黨參議員提案「台灣威懾法案」,欲提供軍事融資貸款廿億美元給台灣購買美國軍備。同時美國海軍部長戴杜羅說,中國以和平或軍事手段接管台灣,是對美國經濟安全的最嚴峻影響,事實上,戴杜羅十七年前成立一間專門做美國國防部生意的科技公司,他可謂就是軍工複合體的一部分。

第三,美國民粹沙文政治日漸擴大,個別政治人物為權力鬥爭或標榜政績,從川普、潘斯、龐培歐到布林肯等,不斷擴大台灣牌的邊際效益,也如他們期待的引來中共的強烈反應,例如日前王毅與布林肯在G20會面時,王毅曾說台灣問題一旦處理失誤,將對中美關係造成「顛覆性、全局性破壞」,但前日布林肯回應表示,如單方面武力破壞兩岸現狀時,「許多國家將採取行動」。

值得注意的是,代理方的內部配合或內生誘因,也是大國得以挑動代理人戰爭的關鍵因素;甚至部分代理人戰爭是代理方主動挑起,大國被動捲入或被借用。就台灣而言,台灣政治變遷與兩岸關係變化,一直是中美台三角關係的兩個重要自變項,敏感牽動中美關係與台海和平。例如,陳水扁發表一邊一國主張後,中美採取共管台海穩定態勢;而今蔡政府與拜登團隊似乎在比賽刺激北京,迫不及待要踩踏那條「深紅線」。

台海戰爭沒有贏家,對台灣是破壞傷害,對大陸是發展受阻,對美國是霸權衰退。然而在中美強權競爭、美國軍工複合體及政治人物操作下,台灣恐難逃被推向代理人戰爭的命運,期待各方能以「聰明、務實、謹慎」態度,真心對待台灣與兩岸的現在與未來。

(作者為國安會前副秘書長)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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