Better a Buffer than a Bargaining Chip Between US and China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 July 2014
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Brent Landon.
President Xi Jinping's visit to South Korea has brought about widespread scrutiny from around the world over China's relationships with South Korea and its other neighbors. And any discussion that touches upon China's foreign relations naturally turns to another nation, the United States.

The U.S. "pivot to Asia" strategy is meant for no other purpose than to balance out the impact of China's development, and strategic tension between the two powers is seemingly on the rise. But the China-U.S. relationship is not a zero-sum game. The two are currently both exploring the possibilities of a "new model of great power relations," although just how similar their understandings of that concept are remains unclear.

China's neighbors all live under the shadow of China-U.S. relations, and whether those countries reap the benefits or must endure the fallout of that relationship hinges upon the nature of the competition between the two powers, as well as the ability of the other countries in striking a suitable balance. For the time being, it would seem that South Korea has been fairly successful in this regard.

The U.S. is an ally of South Korea, while China is its largest trading partner. South Korea's military security and economic development rely upon the U.S. and China respectively. Because of their proximity, as well as acute and long-standing problems on the peninsula, there has been no shortage of suppressed grudges and flare-up disputes between China and South Korea. If the two adopt a rash posture on any one of those issues, it could cast relations between the two nations into the sea of uncertainty that at times appears to define international politics.

For some time now, however, rationality has prevailed in China-South Korea relations. In the midst of its alliance with the U.S. and standoff with North Korea, South Korea's relations with China have developed to a remarkable extent and borne fruit for the peninsular nation. The steady accumulation of profits has most likely boosted South Korea's confidence in playing the part of a buffer between the U.S. and China, and year by year, South Korea has quite clearly reaped more strategic benefits than the entirely U.S.-leaning Japan.

There is nothing extraordinary about Japan's conflict with China. The crux of the issue has been Japan's inimical view of China's rise, leading Tokyo to actively borrow American power and unite a minority of Asian nations in its efforts to check China. However, China-U.S. relations are not as poor as Japan might wish. Japan's full-on tilt toward the U.S. has delighted Washington, but at the same time, the accordingly excessive amount of requests put upon it have put the U.S. in an awkward position. While the U.S. lacks any intention to have it out with China, Japan itself is spoiling for a fight. As a consequence, it has been met with concentrated Chinese counterstrikes, and backing from the U.S. will only go so far.

While the U.S. and China maintain an intricate relationship of both competition and cooperation, it is foolhardy for Asian nations to lean entirely on the U.S. in matters of security. As long as the U.S. does not choose to take it upon itself to cross swords strategically with China, those nations will only lead themselves into a trap of their own making. The misguided belief that the U.S. will intercede on their behalf is exceedingly a childish fantasy.

Neighboring countries must be capable of prudently planning for China's rise. China has no wayward ambitions to lead Asia, nor does it reject the continued presence of U.S. forces in Asia. The temperate nature of China's rise should be wholly apparent. Nations that share territorial disputes with China should limit their grievances to the bounds of the disputes rather than allow them to spill over into unchecked strategic escalation and all-out opposition to China. With China's growing strength, setting a collision course with the rising power is certain strategic suicide.

As for China's part, it has already begun to share the dividends of its development with its neighbors. Through proper planning for China's rise, neighboring states can garner even greater attention and economic benefits from the U.S. and other powers. As long as the U.S. and China adhere to a moderate course, neither will have strong objections to Asian countries performing a balancing act between the two, and the overall board between China and the U.S. will remain full of opportunity for smaller nations. That "it's tough to be the little guy" is not a formula set in stone.

The strategic structure of the Asia-Pacific region has not yet stabilized, and it remains a dynamic menagerie of intricately interwoven nations, both large and small. Each state's national interests are replete with fleeting temptations, but those that make their mark through promoting cohesion and buffering conflict with an eye to the greater picture will see their strategic outcomes be better by far than those that create division and tension. "The good are rewarded, and the evil punished" is a principle that can be applied not only to individuals, but also to countries within the Asia-Pacific community.


习近平主席访问韩国,带来了世界舆论对中韩关系及中国与周边国家关系的普遍审视。而且只要谈中国的周边外交,人们很容易会想到一个国家,它就是美国。
  美国的亚太再平衡战略就是要平衡中国崛起的影响,中美的战略紧张似有上升之势。但中美又非零和的大国关系,中美现在都提“新型大国关系”,尽管两国对这个概念的理解有多少是相同的目前尚不清楚。
  中国周边国家都处在中美关系大格局的影响之下,这些国家从这一格局中获得利益还是蒙受损失,取决于中美竞争的性质以及这些国家“搞平衡”的能力。现在看来,韩国这方面做得相当成功。
  美国是韩国的盟国,中国是韩国的最大贸易伙伴,韩国的军事安全和经济发展分别对美和对华产生了“依赖”。由于是近邻,加上有严峻的半岛问题长期 存在,中韩之间潜在和临时性争议并不少,如果中韩在其中某个议题上采取冲动的态度,就可能将两国关系带入国际政治常见的巨大不确定性中。
  然而理性在中韩之间长期占了上风。韩国在韩美同盟及朝韩对立的夹缝中发展了规模惊人且极具成效的对华关系。受益的不断积累大概促成了韩国在中美之间扮演缓冲角色的信心,一年一年走下来,与政治上完全倒向美国的日本相比,韩国明显收获了更多战略利益。
  日本同中国的现实冲突并不特别,中日对立的根本原因在于日本对中国崛起采取了敌视态度,它是借助美国力量、联合少数亚洲国家遏制中国的 积极活动者。然而中美关系并没日本所希望的那么糟,日本死心塌地倒向美国既让华盛顿高兴,但它的过分殷勤和要求又让美国为难。美国没有同中国撕破脸皮的打 算,但日本自己蹦跳着要与中国为敌。它因此受到中国的集中回击,美国对它的支援将是有限的。
  在中美维持既竞争又合作复杂关系的时候,亚洲国家在安全上完全倒向美国是愚蠢的。只要美国不下决心亲自上阵同中国战略对撞,那些国家将作茧自缚。以为美国会冲到中国与它们之间的前哨位置为它们撑腰,这是非常幼稚的幻想。
  周边国家需要有“经略中国崛起”的能力,中国并无主导亚洲的野心,也不排斥美国力量在亚洲继续存在,中国崛起的温和性质十分明显。与中 国有领土纷争的国家应把问题局限在领土纷争范围内,不应把它们在战略上无限升级,走向与中国的全面对抗。随着中国越来越强大,选择主动撞击中国一定是战略 自毁。
  中国本身已经并继续在同周边国家分享发展红利,经略好中国崛起,周边国家还能从美国等其他大国的方向获得更多注意力和经济好处。只要中美是缓和的,两国就不会过度反感亚洲国家的平衡术,中美大格局中就会充满中小国家的机会。“两大之间难为小”不是一个僵死的公式。
  亚太战略结构尚不稳定,它是大小国家错综交织的互动集合体。各国的国家利益充满了临时性诱惑,但为这个大格局贡献团结和缓冲的国家,其战略结局一定会好于在其中制造分裂和紧张的国家。“善有善报,恶有恶报”,这个道理同样适用于以国家为单位的亚太大社会。
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