Republican Control of Senate Bodes Well for Abe Administration

Published in Japan Business Press Co., Ltd.
(Japan) on 12 November 2014
by Yoshihisa Komori (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Thomas S. Evans. Edited by Emily France.
Recently, a rather odd notion occurred to me: The result of the U.S. midterm elections will have a positive effect on Japanese national security. Let me explain why I think that is.

On November 4, the Republican Party enjoyed a massive victory in the U.S. midterm elections. The Republicans had complete victory in every race in the Senate, House and at the gubernatorial level. For the Democrats, you might call it a “landslide loss.”

The biggest political change these elections brought about was a shift in power in the Senate from the ruling Democratic Party to the opposition Republican Party. There is no doubt that Democratic President Obama’s falling popularity was behind this; the midterm elections often act as a sort of vote of confidence toward a sitting president.

So how is the Republican Party going to influence domestic and foreign policy after their big breakthrough? There are a number of predictions currently being discussed. In particular, the shift is expected to influence Trans-Pacific Partnership proceedings.

The prediction goes like this: In the U.S. Senate, there are a large number of Democratic senators trying to call “backsies” on the TPP, favoring a more protectionist approach. This has put the brakes on President Obama’s active endorsement of the partnership. In this new Congress, ruled by free trade-friendly Republicans, the president’s plans will be accelerated, and requests for Japan to open its markets will similarly become more forceful.

However, what is even more important for Japan to consider is the possibility that, with the GOP in power, policy toward China — as well as Japan — may change. This would be reflected in a complex, nuanced alteration of the Obama administration’s foreign policy and defense policy.

The Might of the U.S. Senate in National Security and Foreign Affairs

Ultimately, the Obama administration bears chief responsibility for the execution of policy in foreign affairs and national security. However, the U.S. Congress also plays a large role, particularly the Senate. The authority to decide on budgets like defense expenditure; the authority to approve diplomatic personnel and the influential voice that erupts as a result of that power; the various sorts of influence in foreign affairs and national security issues that arise from the authority to ratify treaties: The Senate’s power is considerable.

In the Senate, the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on Armed Services deliberate respectively on the administration’s foreign and defense policies, and then vote and present the results. At the time of deliberation, the committee opens a public hearing focused on a particular policy theme, and even high-ranking administrative officials overseeing the formulation of the policies, like the secretary of state and the secretary of defense, are called on to express their opinions and are pelted with questions. The committee then comes to a resolution, which either results in the voicing of their support for or objection to a proposed policy of the administration. Finally, they make proposals for the contents of the corresponding budgetary measure. By this legislative process, it is possible to exert substantial influence on the administration’s policymaking.

Managing these Senate committees are a chair and vice chair, who are both selected from the majority party. Up until this point, the Democratic Party has held the majority, so criticism of President Obama has been relatively restrained. However, that state of affairs is about to be turned on its head; soon the GOP will have committee-related activities under its control.

For the Obama administration, these recent developments are already proving to be a grim prospect. Leaving aside Iraq and Afghanistan, by evading involvement in Egypt, Syria, the Ukraine, etc., President Obama has reduced America’s global power and precipitated a fall in its authority. At the same time, upheaval and chaos has spread throughout the world. Even the response to the radical Islamic organization, the Islamic State, has been too little, too late.

High-ranking Republican senators have been particularly vocal in their criticism of President Obama’s stance towards national security and foreign affairs: specifically, John McCain, who has been involved in the Committees on Foreign Relations and Armed Services; Bob Corker, Republican ranking member on the Committee on Foreign Relations; and Richard Burr, Republican ranking member on the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.

To give an example, in determining a course of action against the Islamic State group, McCain and the others have been demanding the deployment of ground troops. They claim that the Obama administration’s attitude has been excessively negative, and the chaos spreading throughout the world is a result of that weakness.

Beginning in January 2015, when the committees are reformulated, Senator McCain is expected to become the head of the Committee on Armed Services, Corker, the Committee on Foreign Relations and Burr, the Committee on Intelligence. These three committees are perfectly poised to control national security and foreign affairs in the legislature. In other words, three of the most influential anti-Obama members of Congress have grabbed control of three very powerful committees.

From the Perspective of Three Senators Against Obama

Even in the case of policy toward China and Japan, these leading Republican senators have views that are almost completely at odds with the Obama administration.

Senator McCain has asserted that not only administrative, but also territorial rights over the Senkaku Islands clearly belong to Japan, concluding that China’s speech and conduct amount to illegal acts of aggression. McCain has criticized the Obama administration for making light of a powerful ally in its attitude toward Japan, pointing out that “in the face of Chinese aggression towards Japan — our most important ally — the Obama administration has put forward no semblance of criticism.”* Although Senator McCain is the Republican presidential nominee who lost to Obama in the 2008 presidential race, he has been active in the Senate for many years, acting as an influential member of the Foreign Relations and Armed Services Committees.

Senator Corker has also sharply criticized China for its ambitious expansion of maritime influence and has demanded that the Obama administration provide firmer support in checking China’s behavior toward the Senkaku Islands. He has pointed out and objected to China’s permissive attitude toward North Korea’s possession of nuclear arms, and he has repeatedly advocated for the central importance of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, while offering high praise for the Abe administration’s alliance-strengthening measures. Corker has, until now, been the Republican ranking member on the Committee on Foreign Relations, but now that his party has taken the majority, he is certain to become committee chairman.

Burr, too, has consistently raised concerns about Chinese military expansion, while exhibiting doubt concerning China’s assertions of maritime dominion toward Japan and the Philippines. He has also expressed criticism of the Obama administration’s China policy in general. The Intelligence Committee, which Burr will soon head, is responsible for monitoring the activities of those governmental intelligence agencies that support foreign and security matters from the shadows.

There is one more Republican member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations worth watching. That member is Marco Rubio, currently held in anticipation as a “young hope” for the 2016 presidential Republican nomination.

As the ranking member of the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs in the Committee on Foreign Relations, Rubio has determinedly taken up issues involving China and Japan. Just as Senator McCain has, Rubio has criticized Chinese maritime expansion, while declaring that the Senkaku Islands belong to Japan. Furthermore, Rubio has also declared that “China has been illegally invading Japanese territory in the areas surrounding the Senkaku islands,” demanding that the Obama administration take firm countermeasures in response.*

Praise for Prime Minister Abe’s Attitude

McCain, Corker and Rubio have all individually been invited to Japan and met with Prime Minister Abe at some point over the last year. At these times, all three criticized China’s behavior towards the Senkaku Islands as “unjust aggression.” At the same time, all three commended Prime Minister Abe for his stance on the matter.

Rubio, who has expressed interest in historically sensitive issues, has criticized Obama’s claim of “disappointment” in Prime Minister Abe’s visits to Yasukuni. He has stressed that how a nation mourns its dead is something for countries to decide individually and, in particular, that it is inappropriate for a head of state to publicly criticize the mourning practices of an ally.

It would seem likely that under the leadership of this new Senate Committee on Foreign Relations deliberating policy towards China and Japan, Japan’s position and importance as an ally will be more aggressively stressed to the Obama administration and Chinese authorities alike. Not even Obama’s administration can ignore such activity from the Senate. It’s plausible that the will of senate Republicans will remold the Obama administration’s policy, bit by bit.

The reinforcement provided by these U.S. senators must be very encouraging for Prime Minister Shinzō Abe. It would be appropriate to say that even China will not be able to ignore these Republican senators, who now represent the entirety of the United States.

* Editor's note: The original quotations, accurately translated, could not be verified.


オバマの大敗はなぜ安倍政権にとって朗報なのか?
3人の共和党上院議員が強力な援軍に

2014.11.12(水) 古森 義久

米国の中間選挙の結果は日本の安全保障にプラスの効果をもたらす――。こんな意外な展望が浮かんできた。なぜなのか、その理由を説明しよう。 

 11月4日の米国の中間選挙は共和党の大勝利だった。連邦議会の上下両院議員と州知事の選挙ではいずれも共和党側が圧勝した。民主党にとっては「地すべり」的な敗北だった。

 この選挙がもたらした最大の政治変化は、上院の多数派が与党の民主党から野党の共和党へと替わったことである。こうした変化の背後には、間違いなく同じ民主党のオバマ大統領の人気低落があったと言える。大統領への信任投票という意味合いもあったのだ。

 さて、今回の共和党側の大躍進は今後の米国の内外での政策にどう影響していくのだろうか。それについて様々な観測が語られている。特に日本にとってはTPP(環太平洋経済連携協定)がらみの影響が予測されている。

 米国議会の上院では、民主党側にTPPに「待った」をかける保護主義志向の議員が多い。そのことがオバマ大統領のTPP促進にブレーキをかけてきた。だが、新議会で多数派となる共和党は自由貿易志向が強いため、今後は大統領の前進が加速され、日本に市場開放の合意を求める勢いが強まる――という予測である。

 だが日本にとって、より注目されるのは、上院の多数派が共和党になることによってアメリカ全体としての対中政策、対日政策が変わり得る可能性だ。オバマ政権の安全保障や外交の政策が複雑な形で変わり得るのである。
外交や安保の政策に強大な影響を及ぼす連邦議会上院

 安全保障や外交の政策の遂行は、行政府のオバマ政権がもちろん第一義の責任を有する。だが米国議会、特に上院の果たす役割も大きい。国防費など予算を決める権限、外交人事を承認する権限とそこから生じる発言力、条約を批准する権限から派生する外交や安保の案件への種々の影響力など、連邦議会上院のパワーは強大である。
その上院では、外交委員会や軍事委員会が行政府の外交や安保の政策を審議し、賛否を表明する。審議にあたっては、委員会が特定な政策テーマで公聴会を開き、国務長官でも国防長官でも担当の政権高官を呼び、意見を述べさせ、質問をぶつける。委員会として決議を採択し、政権への支援や抗議を表明する。そして関連予算の内容に注文をつける。この立法プロセスによって、行政府の外交、安保の活動に大きな影響を及ぼすことができるのである。

 上院のこうした機能を仕切るのは、多数派の政党から選ばれる各委員会の委員長や副委員長である。これまでは与党の民主党が多数派だったから、同じ党の大統領であるオバマ氏への批判的な言動も限られてきた。だが、その状況は一変する。今度は野党の共和党が委員会の関連活動を牛耳れるようになるのだ。

 オバマ政権にとって、共和党多数の上院の動きはすでに不吉な展望を示している。オバマ大統領はイラク、アフガニスタンをはじめ、エジプト、シリア、ウクライナなど米国の関与をとにかく避け、米国のグローバルパワーを縮小させ、権威の失墜をもたらしてきた。同時に世界各地での混乱や動乱が広がった。イスラム教過激派組織の「イスラム国」への対応も遅きに失する感じだった。

 オバマ大統領のこうした安保と外交への姿勢に最も激しい非難を浴びせてきたのが上院の共和党の有力議員たちだった。具体的には、軍事、外交の両委員会で活動してきたジョン・マケイン、外交委員会の共和党側筆頭議員だったボブ・コーカー、さらには情報委員会の同筆頭議員だったリチャード・バー氏らである。

 例えば「イスラム国」への対策にしても、マケイン議員らは地上軍の投入を求めた。オバマ政権の態度はあまりに消極的であり、その軟弱さが世界各地での動乱を引き起こしたと非難する。

 2015年1月に始まる新議会ではマケイン議員が軍事委員長、コーカー議員が外交委員長、バー議員が情報委員長となる見通しとなった。この3委員会がまさに米国の立法府で安保と外交を管轄するのである。反オバマ色の最も強い3議員が3有力委員会の権限を握ってしまうのだ。

オバマ政権とは正反対の3議員の見解

 中国や日本への政策をめぐっても、これら共和党有力議員たちの意見はオバマ政権とは180度に近い違いを見せる。

 マケイン議員は尖閣諸島については施政権だけでなく領有権も明確に日本側に帰属すると主張し、中国の言動はまったく違法の侵略行為だと断じる。「最も重要な同盟国である日本への中国の侵略を、オバマ政権は正面から非難しない」と指摘し、オバマ政権の日本への態度は有力同盟国をないがしろにしていると批判する。

 マケイン議員は2008年の大統領選で共和党の候補となり、オバマ氏に破れた人物だが、長年、上院で活動し、外交委員会と軍事委員会の有力メンバーとなってきた。

 コーカー議員も中国の海洋領有権の野心的な拡大を厳しく非難する。尖閣諸島への中国の動きに対しても、オバマ政権にもっと強固な抑止の対応を求める。中国に対しては北朝鮮の核武装を許容していると指摘して、抗議する。その一方で日米同盟を最重視することを唱え、安倍政権の同盟強化策を高く評価してきた。コーカー議員はこれまで外交委員会の共和党筆頭議員だったが、同党の多数派獲得により、外交委員長になることが確実視されている。

 バー議員も中国の軍事拡張に一貫して懸念を表明し、中国の日本やフィリピンに対する海洋領有権主張にも疑問を呈する。オバマ政権の対中政策にも批判を述べてきた。同議員が新たな委員長となる情報委員会は、外交や安保を陰で支える政府の情報収集活動を監視する。

 上院外交委員会の共和党側にはもう1人、注目すべき議員がいる。若手ホープとして期待され、2016年の大統領選挙での同党候補の一員にも目されるマルコ・ルビオ議員である。

ルビオ議員はこれまで外交委員会の東アジア太平洋問題小委員会共和党側筆頭議員として、日本や中国に絡む課題を果敢に取り上げてきた。マケイン議員同様に中国の海洋領有権拡大を非難し、尖閣諸島については主権は日本側に帰属すると明言する。さらにルビオ議員は「中国は日本領土の尖閣諸島周囲の日本領海に不法に侵入している」とも主張し、オバマ政権に強固な対応措置を取ることを求めてきた。
安倍首相の対外姿勢を賞賛

 マケイン、コーカー、ルビオ3議員は昨年から今年始めにかけて個別に日本を訪れ、いずれも安倍首相と個別に会談した。その際にはみな中国の尖閣諸島への行動を「不当な侵略行動」と非難した。同時に3議員とも安倍首相の対外姿勢には賞賛を送った。

 ルビオ議員は歴史問題にも関心を示し、安倍首相の靖国神社参拝にオバマ政権が「失望」を表明したことを批判した。戦死者追悼の方法は個別の諸国が独自に決めることであり、特に同盟国の首相の追悼方法を公開の場で叱責することは間違っていると強調するのだった。

 新議会の上院で対中政策や対日政策を審議することになる外交委員会は、こうした新たな指導者を迎え、オバマ政権や中国当局に日本の立場や日米同盟の効用を訴えていくことになりそうだ。オバマ政権も上院のそうした動きは無視できない。上院共和党の意向がオバマ政権の政策方針に少しずつ折り込まれていく展望も有力である。

 安倍晋三首相は、こうした上院議員たちの援軍を心強く思っていることだろう。中国も、米国連邦議会の全体を代表することになる共和党上院議員たちの発言を無視することはできないと見るのが妥当である。
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