China Ministry of State Security: As US Tech Wars’ Victories Fade, Outlook on Tech National Security Risks Remains Grim

Published in Economic Daily News
(Taiwan) on 7 October 2023
by Huang Guoliang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
Early in the morning of Oct. 7, the public WeChat account of the mainland’s Ministry of National Security posted an article titled “One Year of US Tech War Escalations: Has It Won?” The article remarked that on Oct. 7 of last year, the United States updated its Export Administration Regulations and upgraded its semiconductor export controls on China, but that this U.S.-instigated “tech war” has gradually deviated from its set trajectory, its anticipated victories slowly fading from view. In spite of this, the article continued, the U.S. has been devising a new round of sanctions and suppression policies. There has still been no redress of situations such as China’s core technologies being controlled by others and intensifying suppression from the international environment; the science and technology sectors are still facing serious and conspicuous national security risks. Yet China’s trend of achieving high-level technological self-reliance has been inexorable.

The article indicated that, a year ago today, on Oct. 7, 2022, the U.S. government updated the Export Administration Regulations in the form of “interim rules,” adding 31 Chinese entities to its Unverified List and implementing additional export controls on semiconductors to China. As C.J. Muse, a senior semiconductor analyst at Evercore ISI, put it, “If you’d told me about these rules five years ago, I would’ve told you that’s an act of war—we’d have to be at war.”

Under the subheading “The U.S. Is Increasingly Resorting to Lethal Tactics,” the article went on to explain how, in order to maintain its technological hegemony, the U.S. is accustomed to using state power to contain and suppress technological enterprise in other countries, and that France’s Alstom, Germany’s Siemens, the U.K.’s British Aerospace Systems, and Japan’s Toshiba have all fallen foul of its treacherousness. Faced with the rapid rise of science and technology in China, the U.S. has adhered to a Cold War mentality, gradually going from the blocking of specific enterprises to a three-dimensional suppression and blockade system, extending to technology investments, technology exchanges and scientific and technological talents. It has also used its long-arm jurisdiction to cobble together the “Chip 4 Alliance,” and has even employed its espionage and intelligence agencies to hunt down and take aim at our science and technology enterprises and bring indiscriminate lawsuits against our technological talents, in a vain attempt to block China’s process of scientific and technological development.

It went on to indicate that, after updating its Export Administration Regulations, the U.S. had implemented a raft of policies with further measures. In January of this year, the U.S., Japan, and the Netherlands reached a control agreement on restricting the export of advanced chip manufacturing equipment to China; in February, the U.S. Departments of Justice and Commerce jointly established the “Disruptive Technology Strike Force” to strengthen oversight and enforcement of export controls to China; in March, the U.S. Department of Commerce announced proposed rules for the guardrail provisions of the Chip Act, which would prohibit funded entities from engaging in any material expansion of semiconductor capacity with China for 10 years; and in August, Joe Biden signed an executive order on foreign investment review, prohibiting American companies and individuals from investing in China’s semiconductor and other cutting-edge industries. These regulations are not just an attempt at limiting China’s access to state-of-the-art chips; they also attempt to deny China access to any equipment, technology, software, or even human resources that are “related” to chips.

However, under its subheading “Breaking Through the Iron Curtain: ‘New Core’ Heads Towards Glory,” the article goes on to point out that the introduction of the new regulations mentioned above has sparked widespread concern among American and European industries. According to media reports, the CEO of ASML in the Netherlands has said that if China cannot obtain the machinery with which to manufacture chips, they will develop them themselves; it will take time, but they will eventually get there. For his part, Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang has said that a U.S. chip war with China would be hugely detrimental to U.S. technology. And a year later, their words have come true: This year so far, the performances of chip giants such as Qualcomm, Intel, and AMD have fallen sharply, with Intel posting a net loss of $2.8 billion in the first quarter.

According to the article, in the face of suppression, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party had insisted on making self-reliance in science and technology a strategic support for national development, with major innovations of the China Lunar Exploration Program, the Zhurong Mars rover, and the Xihe Solar Explorer all testifying to the solid strides made by China towards scientific and technological self-reliance.

The recent launch by Huawei of a series of terminal products, including the Mate 60 Pro, signaled an important breakthrough for China in the semiconductor field, it said. The chip in Huawei’s phone “raises questions about the efficacy of a U.S.-led global campaign to prevent China’s access to cutting-edge technology,” Bloomberg commented, while the Washington Post said that the Mate 60 Pro smartphone “represents a new high-water mark in China’s technological capabilities, with an advanced chip inside that was both designed and manufactured in China.”

Finally, under the sub-heading “Safeguarding Technological Security: A Long, Hard Road Ahead,” the article stated that technological innovation is the main battleground in nations’ strategic games: Only by mastering the core technologies in our own hands can we truly take the initiative in competition and development and fundamentally safeguard our national scientific and technological security, economic security, national defense security, and other types of security.

It said that it was foreseeable the U.S. would continue to pursue policies of anti-globalization and de-sinicization to maintain its hegemonic position. Not long ago, after returning to the U.S. from a visit to China, U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo declared that the U.S. was “never going to sell our most powerful [artificial intelligence] chips” to China and said she was “upset” with Huawei’s new mobile phone, equipped with an advanced chip and launched during her visit to China.

So the article said. But as The New York Times pointed out, these control measures will not contain China once and for all; even under optimal circumstances, they can only be a delaying tactic. China’s trend toward achieving high-level technological self-reliance is unstoppable. We must always bear in mind that self-reliance in science and technology is the foundation of national strength and the key to security. We must thoroughly implement the overall concept of national security and enhance all of society’s awareness and ability to safeguard scientific and technological security, and we must strive to take the initiative and occupy a leading position in promoting scientific and technological development and safeguarding scientific and technological security.


美科技戰與勝利漸行漸遠,但科技國安風險嚴峻

2023/10/07 08:32:32

聯合報 記者黃國樑/即時報導

大陸國家安全部微信公眾號今10月7日清晨發布一篇《美國一年的加碼“科技戰”,贏了嗎?》文章,文章中指出,美國去年10月7日更新「出口管理條例」,升級對中國半導體出口管制,但這場由美國挑起的「科技戰」已逐漸偏離其預設軌道,離其預想中的「勝利」也漸行漸遠。不過,文章亦指出,美國已醞釀新一輪制裁打壓政策,中國核心技術受制於人、國際環境打壓加劇等情形仍未徹底改變,科技領域所面臨國家安全風險依然嚴峻突出。但中國實現高水準科技自立自強的趨勢已不可阻擋。

文章指出,就在一年前的今天,2022年10月7日,美國政府以出台「臨時規則」形式更新「出口管理條例」,將31家中國實體列入「未經核實清單」,併升級對華半導體出口管制。EvercoreISI資深半導體分析師繆斯評論「如果在五年前告訴我這些規則,我會告訴你這是一種戰爭行為,我們一定處在戰爭狀態」。時隔一年,這場由美國挑起的「科技戰」已逐漸偏離其預設軌道,離其預想中的「勝利」也漸行漸遠。

文章接著以小標題「美國步步緊迫頻出殺招」指出,美國為維護其科技霸權,慣用國家力量遏制打壓他國科技企業,法國阿爾斯通、德國西門子、英國宇航系統、日本東芝都曾遭其「毒手」。面對我國科技快速崛起,美國固守「冷戰」思維,從封鎖特定企業,逐步擴展成涵蓋技術投資管控、技術交流阻斷、科技人才封鎖的立體化打壓體系,動用「長臂管轄」,拼湊「晶片聯盟」,甚至動用間諜情報機關圍獵狙擊我科技企業、司法濫訴我科技人才,妄圖阻斷中國科技發展進程。

它稱,《出口管理條例》更新後,美國加碼推出一攬子政策。今年1月,美日荷三國就限制向中國出口先進晶片製造設備達成管制協議;2月,美國司法部和商務部聯合成立「顛覆性技術打擊小組」,加強對華出口管制的監督執法;3月,美國商務部公佈《晶片法》護欄條款的擬議規則,禁止受資助實體10年內同中國進行任何半導體產能的實質性擴產交易;8月,拜登簽署有關對外投資審查的行政令,嚴禁美國企業及公民對中國半導體等尖端領域投資。這些規定不僅試圖限制中國取得最先進晶片,還妄圖使中國無法獲得任何與晶片「沾邊」的設備、技術、軟體甚至人才支援。

但文章接著以「突破重重鐵幕『新芯』向榮」的小標題轉而指出,上述新規推出引發了美歐產業界廣泛擔憂。根據媒體報導,荷蘭阿斯麥CEO曾表示,如果中國無法獲得製造晶片的機器,他們將自己開發;這需要時間,但最終他們會實現這一目標。英偉達CEO黃仁勳表示,美國對華發起晶片戰將對美科技造成巨大損害。時過一年,他們一語成謔。今年以來,高通、英特爾、超威等晶片巨頭業績大幅下跌,英特爾在第一季淨虧損達28億美元。

文章稱,面對打壓,中共黨中央堅持把科技自立自強作為國家發展的戰略支撐,中國科技自立自強邁出堅實步伐。嫦娥奔月、祝融探火、羲和逐日,一大批重大科技創新成果競相湧現。

它說,近期,華為推出Mate 60 Pro等系列終端產品,標誌著中國在半導體領域取得了重要突破。彭博社評價,「華為這款手機的晶片令人懷疑美國為阻止中國獲得先進晶片技術而在全球實施的封鎖政策是否真的有效」。《華盛頓郵報》也表示,「Mate 60 Pro完全代表了中國製造的技術實力,從設計到製造都彰顯出中國的創新能力」。

最終,文章以「維護科技安全任重道遠」為標題說,科技創新是國家戰略博弈的主要戰場。只有把核心技術掌握在自己手中,才能真正掌握競爭和發展的主動權,才能從根本上保障國家科技安全、經濟安全、國防安全和其他安全。

它說,可以預見,美國勢必繼續推行逆全球化和去中國化政策,以維護其霸權地位。前不久雷蒙多在訪華回到美國後就宣稱「美國不會將最頂尖的晶片出售給中國」,並表示對華為在她訪華期間推出搭載先進晶片的新型手機「感到不悅」。美國已醞釀新一輪制裁打壓政策,我國核心技術受制於人、國際環境打壓加劇等情形仍未徹底改變,科技領域所面臨國家安全風險依然嚴峻突出。

文章說,但正如《紐約時報》所指出的,這些管制措施不能一勞永逸地遏制中國,即便在最理想的情況下,它們也只是一種拖延戰術。中國實現高水準科技自立自強的趨勢已不可阻擋。我們要始終銘記科技自立自強是國家強盛之基、安全之要,深入貫徹落實總體國家安全觀,增強全社會維護科技安全的意識和能力,在促進科技發展、維護科技安全中爭取主動、占得先機。
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