Behind Section 301, Trump Creates New Rules

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 4 June 2026
by Wei Shih-chang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
The U.S. government recently announced that, based on investigations under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, it would impose a minimum tariff of 10% on imports from important trade partners, including Taiwan, because of unfair trade practices such as forced labor. While this is also a use of tariffs, it differs from the previous “reciprocal tariffs” that centered on the trade deficit. The new tariffs reflect America’s attempt to reshape the global trade order through Section 301.

In response, the Executive Yuan’s Taiwan-U.S. Economic and Trade Task Force stated that this announcement was part of the Section 301 investigation process and that the final tariff amount has yet to be finalized. It also publicly asserted that the Taiwan-U.S. relationship remains close. Furthermore, to safeguard the best treatment and comparative advantages secured through the Agreement on Reciprocal Trade, Taiwan will do its best to consolidate its national and industrial interests.

Putting aside Taiwan’s official response, it is worth noting that Section 301’s appearance might be related to the U.S. legal challenges or court restrictions Donald Trump received on the previous set of tariff measures. This forced the Trump administration to search anew for a more legally grounded trade tool. From this perspective, the Section 301 tariffs aren’t simply a replacement of previous tariffs but are rather a continuation of U.S. trade strategy. While the tariffs are surface level, the real point behind them is still supply chain security, industrial competitiveness and the reshaping of global trade rules.

America’s trade policy has shifted significantly in recent years. U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer pointed out that some trade partners have not effectively addressed the problem of the flow of products made with “forced labor” into the market, which has forced U.S. workers to compete in an unfair environment. Greer’s tariffs are an extension of this mindset — that is, one that wants to use trade as a tool to reshape supply chains and the rules of international competition. For Taiwan, some export industries are bound to face the pressure of rising costs. However, it’s worth noting not the tariffs themselves but rather the change in the rules of global competition. Taiwan was included on the tariff list not because of bilateral trade imbalances, but because the U.S. is reexamining global supply chains.

Section 301 covers not just competitors but long-time friendly trade partners. This illustrates that the U.S. has shifted from prioritizing allies to prioritizing its own interests. Friendly political relationships don’t necessarily turn into special economic treatment. This is a wake-up call for Taiwan that, in the face of international competition, it eventually needs to return to its own industrial strength and market competitiveness. From a long-term perspective, Section 301 tariffs reflect a restructuring of the global trade order. As countries increasingly focus on national security and supply chain autonomy, the previous model of globalization prioritizing efficiency first is being adjusted. In the future, the reorganization of global supply chains and rearranging of markets will probably continue to deepen.

Taiwan must not only worry about the impact of 10% tariffs but also consider how to maintain competitiveness in a new global environment. Of course, Section 301 tariffs are not good news; however, if we focus only on the tariff rate, we will probably overlook the bigger change that should receive attention. Tariffs are only surface level. The core issue behind them is America’s trade policy adjustments and the restructuring of the global trade order. The challenge for Taiwan is not merely a rise in the cost of exports; rather, more importantly, it is how to maintain an industrial advantage in this new competition.


美國政府近日依據「一九七四年貿易法第三○一條」調查結果,以涉及強迫勞動等不公平貿易行為為由,宣布擬對包括台灣在內的多個主要貿易夥伴之進口商品,加徵至少百分之十關稅。這項措施雖然同樣以關稅為手段,卻與先前以貿易逆差為主軸的「對等關稅」不同,反映美國正試圖透過「三○一條款」重新塑造全球經貿秩序。

對此,行政院台美經貿小組對外表示,此次公告為三○一調查程序之一,最終稅率目前仍未定案;同時也向外界喊話,稱台美持續保持緊密聯繫,為維護ART爭取的最佳待遇與相對優勢,台灣將全力鞏固我國國家及產業利益。

撇開我官方的回應不論,值得注意的是,三○一關稅的出現,或與川普先前推動的相關關稅措施,遭美國司法挑戰或受法院限制有關,這使川普政府必須重新尋找更具法律基礎的貿易工具。從這個角度來看,三○一關稅並非單純的替代方案,而是美國經貿戰略的延續;關稅只是表象,背後真正的重點仍是供應鏈安全、產業競爭力及全球經貿規則的重塑。

近年來美國經貿政策出現明顯轉變,美國貿易代表葛里爾指出,部分貿易夥伴未能有效處理「強迫勞動」產品流入市場的問題,使美國勞工必須在不公平的環境下競爭。葛里爾關稅正是這種思維的延伸,希望透過貿易工具重塑供應鏈與國際競爭規則。對台灣而言,部分出口產業勢必面臨成本上升壓力,但值得關注的並非關稅本身,而是國際競爭規則的改變;台灣被納入課稅名單,並非因為雙邊貿易失衡,而是美國重新檢視全球供應鏈。

此次三○一措施涵蓋的不只是競爭對手,也包括長期友好的經貿夥伴,這顯示美國經貿政策已從盟友優先,轉向自己的利益優先。政治友好關係未必能轉化為經濟特殊待遇,這也警醒台灣,面對國際競爭,終究仍需回到自身產業實力與市場競爭力。從更長遠的角度來看,三○一關稅反映的是全球經貿秩序重組。當各國愈來愈重視國安、供應鏈自主,過去講求效率優先的全球化模式也正在調整。未來世界供應鏈重組與市場重新布局的趨勢,恐將持續深化。

台灣需憂慮的,不只是百分之十的關稅帶來多少衝擊,更需思考在新的國際環境下如何維持競爭力。三○一關稅固然不是好消息,但若只把焦點放在稅率高低,恐忽略了應關注的更大變化。關稅只是表象,美國經貿戰略的調整、全球經貿秩序的重組,才是現象背後的核心。台灣的挑戰不只是出口成本增加,更重要的是如何在新的競爭中維持產業優勢。
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