We Must Guard against Both ‘Dark’ and ‘Bright’ Tactics from US

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 8 September 2016
by Han Xudong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jake Eberts. Edited by Alexandra Mullin.
With the push of the "pivot to Asia” strategy, American activity in the West Pacific has grown more and more frequent, negatively influencing regional stability and, moreover, posing a threat to China. Normally, people are relatively sensitive to visible and tangible military deployments by the United States, such as aircraft carriers entering the West Pacific or the stationing of jet fighters. And compared to these deployments in “bright spots,” the American installation of electronic warfare aircraft, radar and other equipment additionally constitutes an overlooked threat to us in cyberspace. In fact, as these military games are extending from just times of war to the everyday, the battlefield has expanded from reality into the virtual realm. The threat that America poses to our nation’s national security in these “dark spots” grows greater day by day, such that it could even become our chief threat.

Part of the reason America is pursuing superiority in cyberspace lies in the ineffectiveness of the “pivot to Asia” strategy. The core of this strategy is the redeployment of 60 percent of its naval air forces to the Asia-Pacific between 2017 and 2020, so as to check China’s development with its hard military power and preserve American leadership in the region. But in the calculations over the South China Sea issue, America has yet been able to utilize its military power to achieve expected gains; it simply cannot shake China’s determination and will to safeguard its sovereignty and interests. In some regards, it can be said that this is indeed a failure of the “pivot to Asia” tactic in its initial stage. Of course, America cannot just accept such a result, and thus cyberspace has become the platform from which America seeks to pressure us and find for itself a sense of superiority.

Thus, America has shifted from a focus on hard power to a focus on soft power elements to limit China, and strengthening its cyber operations is a part of this. There are two major realms of American cyber operations directed against our country: electromagnetic and network-based. In so doing, it is implementing its “counterbalance strategy.” In both electromagnetic and network realms, it does indeed occupy a position of superiority, even hegemony.

At present, the first major manifestation of the Americans’ attempts to pressure China in cyberspace is the strong push for the deployment of THAAD missile defense system in South Korea, and to bring about their deployment in Japan as well as Korea. Many simply rationalize the THAADs merely as military equipment deployed to Korea, paying more attention to its wartime capabilities. But America is undoubtedly much more interested in the system’s radar-warning functions. At the surface level, the deployment of THAADs in Northeast Asia is a defense against so-called missile threats, but the hidden goal is the construction of a warning system so as to control the direction of military development in the region all the more.

The second manifestation of American pressure on China is the growth of electronic warfare capabilities in the West Pacific. Just in mid August, four American “Growler” electronic warfare aircrafts were dispatched to the Philippines, having been deployed to the Clark Air Force Base there. Carriers cruising in the Western Pacific were simultaneously outfitted with these planes as well. As offensive electronic warfare weapons, these “Growlers” are powerful contemporary electronic interference vehicles that not only administer surveillance and signal collection tasks, but are also capable of jamming radar and other electronic systems. America’s motive for deploying these fighters to the West Pacific is self-evident. With the two X-band Radars deployed earlier in Japan, America has practically formed a fairly complete electronic warfare system around the Western Pacific region. Were it to deploy another X-band Radar in the Philippines, the capability of this system would only be raised further.

The establishment of dual-use offense/defense cyberspace capabilities in the Western Pacific by America will form the next major step America takes in pressuring our country. Tangible force is mainly for defense and pressure, but virtual force is chiefly for offense and attacks, and could be the stem of the future America’s constraints on China. Such a condition shows that our nation will soon face all the more pressure in cyberspace. Henceforth, we should also stress infrastructure for this virtual soft power game while we further the strength of our forces in the real world. Only in preparing ourselves to face these “bright” and “dark” American tactics will we be able to avoid the easy fall into passivity.


  随着“亚太再平衡”战略的推进,美国在西太平洋地区的动作越来越多,这对地区和平带来负面影响,更对中国构成威胁。通常,人们对美国那些看得见摸得着的军事部署比较敏感,比如它有几艘航母进入西太平洋地区或驻扎了多少作战飞机等。较之这些“明处”的军事部署动作,美国在西太平洋部署的电子战飞机、雷达等装备在虚拟空间对我造成的威胁,却未引起足够重视。但事实上,随着军事博弈由战时向平时延伸,战争空间也从现实空间向虚拟空间拓展。美国在虚拟空间这个“暗处”对我国家安全构成的威胁日益上升,甚至可能成为主要威胁。
  美国追求在虚拟空间里取得优势,部分原因在于“亚太再平衡”战略自实施以来效果甚微。该战略的核心是美国在2017-2020年前将海外部署的海空兵力60%调往亚太,以强大的军事实力遏制中国发展,维持美国对该地区的主导。但在“南海问题”的较量中,美国没能从军事实力的运用中获得预期效果,根本无法动摇中国维护主权和权益的决心与意志。某种角度讲,这可以说是“亚太再平衡”战略在当前阶段的失败。美国当然无法接受这种结果,因此虚拟空间便成为其对我实施打压、寻找优势感觉的舞台。
  为此,美国由重点使用“硬实力”改为加入更多“软实力”因素来制衡中国,加强在虚拟空间的作为就是其中之一。美国在虚拟空间对我采取的措施主要包括两方面:一是电磁,一是网络。美国这样做,其实也是在贯彻其提倡的第三次“抵消战略”,它在电磁和网络两个领域也确实占据技术优势或主导权。
  从目前形势看,美在虚拟空间领域对我实施的打压主要表现在:其一,强力推进在韩国部署“萨德”导弹防御系统进程,实现该系统在韩国甚至日本的部署。很多人仅将“萨德”理解为美国在韩国部署的军事设备,较多关注其作战能力,但美国更在意的无疑是该系统的雷达预警功能。美国在东北亚部署“萨德”明的是“防”所谓导弹威胁,暗的是使其预警系统在东北亚地区构建起来,以便掌握该地区的军事发展动向。

  二是加大西太平洋地区电子战力量部署。就在8月中旬,美军4架“咆哮者”电子战飞机飞赴菲律宾,部署到克拉克空军基地。同时,游弋在西太平洋的美军航母上也搭载了这种飞机。作为攻击型电子战装备,这种“咆哮者”电子战飞机是当今最强的电子干扰机,不仅可以执行监视和信号情报收集任务,还能对雷达等电磁设备实施干扰。美军将这种飞机部署到西太平洋地区,目的不言自明。若再加上之前在日本部署的两部X波段雷达,美在西太平洋地区几乎构建起比较完善的电磁力量体系。一旦它在菲律宾设立第三部X波段雷达,该体系的能力还将进一步提升。
  美国在西太平洋构建的这种攻防兼备的虚拟空间力量,将是下一步美国对我实施打压的重要力量。现实力量主要负责防与压,虚拟空间力量主要实施攻与打,这可能是未来一个时期美国对华制衡的主要伎俩。这种形势表明,未来我国将面临更多来自虚拟空间的压力。今后我国在提升现实军事力量作战能力的同时,也应更加重视虚拟空间软博弈能力的建设。只有对美国这些“明的”“暗的”手段都做好准备,才不会轻易陷入被动。(作者是国防大学教授)

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