America’s China Policy Must Strengthen Containment To Prevent Hegemony and Protect the Freedom of Taiwan and the South China Sea

Published in Sankei News
(Japan) on 29 December 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Max Guerrera-Sapone. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
How should the U.S. confront China’s pursuit of hegemony? Joe Biden’s administration, which took office last January, has been charged with answering that question. Biden’s administration has indicated that China is America’s only rival and has strengthened cooperation with allies and friendly countries to challenge China’s authoritarian methods.

Compared to Donald Trump’s administration, which did not balk at disagreeing with its allies, the Biden administration’s willingness to work together with its fellow democracies, which share a common value system, is praiseworthy. Fears that Biden would take a softer approach to China were not realized, which is also a great relief.

Over the course of the year, the U.S.-led containment network has been repeatedly extended around China. However, this is merely a means to an end. What is important is that China, which does not hesitate to use force and shows a blatant disdain for international law, is stopped. Further action must be taken, and this must lead to results.

China: Acting as If It Owns the Place

The Biden administration has prioritized its relationships with countries in Southeast Asia, a place where American and Chinese interests are in conflict. It has also confirmed its solidarity with the countries of Europe through its participation in the Group of Seven leading industrial nations summit.

Together with Japan, it has spearheaded the concept of a “free and open Indo-Pacific,” and spread it around the world. It has also established two new security frameworks to help realize that idea, the Quad summit with Japan, Australia and India, and the AUKUS framework with Britain and Australia.

In these forums, the Biden administration has appropriately positioned Taiwan as an important subject. The joint statement released following the April 2021 U.S.-Japan summit clearly specified “the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.”

China has effectively forced Taiwan out of all international organizations and has repeatedly provoked it by sending military aircraft into the Taiwanese air defense identification zone.

The Biden administration has acknowledged that democracy is under threat from authoritarianism. An example of this is the Taiwan situation, which will demand real action. Democracy in Taiwan, which took many years to grow and flourish, must be protected.

The phrase “the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait” has been repeatedly emphasized at the G-7 and Quad summits. Allies and friendly countries must raise their voices in the numerous international frameworks and put unceasing pressure on China.

Furthermore, China has repeatedly ignored numerous American and Japanese expressions of concern over its actions in the South China Sea, including the building of military bases and land reclamation. This must end.

Rodrigo Duterte’s government in the Philippines has shelved the 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling, which rejected Chinese claims to sovereignty in the sea.

Utilizing new frameworks like the Quad and AUKUS, and through cooperation between Japan, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, America, the Philippines and other friendly countries, China must be pressed to accept the court’s decision. The Chinese must be made to understand that behaving as if they own the South China Sea is in and of itself absurd.


Rethink a Return to the TPP

It is unfortunate that collaboration with other countries in the realm of commerce is still insufficient. Particularly, we cannot help but be disappointed by the Biden administration’s cautious stance toward rejoining the Trans-Pacific Partnership, from which the Trump administration withdrew.

The TPP is an effective mechanism for opposing China’s drive for hegemony in both the economic and military spheres. Unfortunately, the U.S. has decided to close its eyes to the strategic value of the TPP, instead choosing to focus on the protection of its domestic industries. This is unchanged from the Trump era.

What is concerning is that, while America continues to dither, China has worked swiftly to improve cooperation with other countries. In September, it applied for admission to the TPP. If this were to be approved, the nature of the TPP would change. This January, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which includes Japan, China, Korea and many other countries, will take effect. China is devoted to expanding its influence and has tried to participate in the regions’ multilateral agreements, including those on digital affairs.

Can America oppose these moves by China? Presumably Biden’s idea for a new economic cooperation framework in the Indo-Pacific region, which he announced at the end of October, is intended to serve that purpose. At this point, however, it is not clear how he intends to realize that plan. It is necessary to recognize that any delay will result in falling behind the Chinese.

It is also concerning that, to counter America’s attempts to increase cooperation with its allies and friendly countries, China has brazenly moved to strengthen ties with Russia. Indeed, both China and Russia have increased their military provocation of Japan. Biden has been criticized for fostering division between democracies and authoritarian countries, but this assessment misses the mark. No matter who is responsible, China, Russia, or otherwise, the world cannot turn a blind eye to military invasion and grave human rights abuses.

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida visited America early in his term in an effort to strengthen solidarity between the two countries, and plans need to be made to implement this goal. Increasing the effectiveness of the anti-Chinese containment network will require action, not mere words.



覇権を追求する中国にどう対峙(たいじ)するか。1月に発足したバイデン米政権に問われたのはそのための外交手腕だ。バイデン政権は中国を「唯一の競争相手」とし、その強権的手法に対抗するため同盟・友邦諸国との連携を強めた。

同盟国との軋轢(あつれき)もいとわなかったトランプ前政権と違い、価値観を共有する民主主義国と足並みをそろえたことは評価できる。懸念された対中融和的な姿勢がさほどみられなかったのも大きい。

この1年で米国中心の中国包囲網は幾重にも張り巡らされた。だが、これは手段であって目的ではない。大切なのは、力を頼み、ルールを顧みない中国の振る舞いをやめさせることだ。行動をさらに強め、成果につなげたい。

「わがもの顔」を許すな

バイデン政権は、中国とのせめぎ合いの場である東南アジア各国との関係を重視し、先進7カ国首脳会議(G7サミット)などを通じて欧州との結束も確認した。

日本とともに「自由で開かれたインド太平洋」構想を主導し、世界に浸透させた。その実現に向けて日豪印との「クアッド」、英豪との「AUKUS(オーカス)」という、2つの新たな安全保障の枠組みも動き始めた。

こうした場で、バイデン政権が台湾情勢を重要テーマとして取り上げたのは妥当だ。日米首脳会談の共同声明には「台湾海峡の平和と安定の重要性」を明記した。

中国は、あらゆる国際機関から台湾を徹底的に排除し、中国軍機を防空識別圏に進入させるなどの武力威嚇を繰り返している。

バイデン政権は民主主義が専制主義に脅かされているという認識を示してきた。その中で現実問題として対応を迫られているのが台湾情勢だ。何年もかけて育まれた民主主義を守らねばならない。

「台湾海峡の平和と安定の重要性」はG7やクアッドの会合などで繰り返し強調された。同盟・友邦諸国がさまざまな枠組みで同じ声を上げ、中国に絶え間ない圧力をかけることが重要である。

南シナ海問題では近年、埋め立てや軍事施設建設などへの日米の懸念表明を、中国が聞き流すという状況が繰り返されている。これを打破しなくてはならない。

中国の南シナ海における主権主張を退けた2016年の国際的な仲裁裁判所判決は、当事国フィリピンのドゥテルテ政権が棚上げしている。

クアッド、オーカスの新たな枠組みや、日本と東南アジア諸国連合(ASEAN)の沿岸国、米比同盟など、同盟・友邦諸国の連携を駆使し、改めて判決の受け入れを中国に迫るべきだ。わがもの顔をすること自体がおかしいと分からせなければならない。

TPP復帰を再考せよ

残念なのは通商面での他国との連携がいまだ不十分なことだ。特に、トランプ前政権が離脱した環太平洋戦略的経済連携協定(TPP)への復帰について、慎重姿勢なのは失望を禁じ得ない。

TPPは経済と軍事上の覇権を追求する中国への対抗軸として有効な枠組みだ。ところが米国はその戦略性に目をつむり、国内産業の保護に拘泥する。これではトランプ時代と変わりはない。

懸念するのは、その間に中国が着々と多国間連携を進めていることだ。9月にはTPP加入を申請した。認められればTPPの性格も変質する。来年1月には日中韓などの「地域的な包括的経済連携(RCEP)」が発効する。中国はデジタル関連でも地域の多国間協定への参画を目指し、自国の影響力拡大に余念がない。

こうした動きに米国は対抗できるのか。バイデン大統領が10月末に打ち出した、インド太平洋地域の新たな経済枠組み構想はその方策だろうが、今のところ他国との連携をどう具体化するかが判然としない。うかうかすると、すべてが後手に回ると認識すべきだ。

米国と同盟・友邦諸国の連携に対抗し、中国が露骨にロシアに接近している点も懸念材料だ。両軍の日本への示威活動も活発化している。バイデン政権が、民主主義か専制主義かで世界を分断したとの批判もあるが、それは当たらない。軍事侵攻や過酷な人権侵害は中露でなくとも看過できない。

岸田文雄首相は早期の訪米で対中政策での結束を強め、その具体化を図らなくてはならない。対中包囲網の実効性を高めるのは、言葉ではなく行動である。
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