As American Hegemony Disintegrates,Who Will Take the Lead?

Published in United Daily News
(Taiwan) on 3/26/2009
by Chen Xin-Zhi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by John Yu. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
In the last 60 or so years, the order and stability of international trade and finance, coupled with a relatively peaceful international environment, have been the foundation for the global community's rapid growth. Called the contributing factors toward international public wealth, they primarily come from the sole support of America's hegemony. Nevertheless, since weathering the financial crisis, America's ability to provide international public wealth for the world has gradually diminished.

If the situation of gradually diminishing international public wealth cannot be reversed, then the global community's structural pressure, resulting from a lack of an authoritative power, will cause nations to adopt a narrowly self-beneficial course. It's very likely that the world will undergo a new shift in power arrangements, igniting a conflict of interests.

Firstly, the global financial system is currently stuck in a standoff between those who wish to change the system and those who are benefiting from it. But neither side has the will to resolve the situation and take leadership. There has been no breakthrough in the Doha Round discussions of the WTO, and the World Trade leader-level meetings, which began in Hong Kong in 2005 and were to continue bi-annually, have not been held since. Global free trade faces the recurring challenge of trade protectionism. In the financial crisis, the performances of the IMF and World Bank have been amiss, facing the pressure of necessary reforms. China, India, Brazil, and other countries have cried out loudly for reforms to global trade and financial systems, but these new powers do not have the power to change the situation. On the contrary, America and other beneficiaries can but approach change with stagnation, finding safety in routine.

Secondly, America's self-interested measures, taken in the wake of the financial crisis, can perhaps be seen as a sign of the end of hegemony's contribution to global public wealth. This may arouse the fears and suspicions of other nations, increasing global uncertainty. People's Bank of China Vice-President, Hu Xiao-Lian, recently followed Chinese Premier, Wen Jia-Bao, in expressing that America's policy of printing money to relieve their financial crisis was a security concern to China as an American creditor. Today, both America and China are bound by mutual economic trade dependence, but in the advent of a crisis, China has reservations about a "growth-feedback" interchange method which supports the vitality of the American market at their own expense. Additionally, the prestige of America's continual, orderly economic trade operation is slipping. China's increased suspicion of America reflects the uncertainty of whether it can continue to provide public wealth, a sore concern of the newly developed nations.

Lastly, providing international public wealth requires huge material capital, and the series of measures adopted by the Obama government to soften the impact of the financial crisis have not yet achieved visible results. But they may deeply damage America's strength, making it difficult to again play the role of supporter of global public wealth. Not only is there no power capable of being an alternative provider of global public wealth in today's international society, there is a lack of regional or global systematic plans to provide for this shortage. Whether or not America can weather this financial crisis, the American dollar's position as the global financial and trade currency has been heavily shaken. The orderly flow of global trade is threatened by protectionism, and even the myth of America as the world policeman maintaining global security may become history.

As the ability and willingness of America to provide global public wealth wanes, the uncertainty of the global situation will rapidly increase, becoming an obstacle to the cooperation of large nations, creating more security problems, and throwing an unnecessary shadow over the cooperation of the world powers. An even greater problem is: When the world sinks into a situation of the collapse of global public wealth, who will arise to restore political and economic order? Or will the nations have to undergo a bloody competition to see who gradually emerges as leader?


美霸權崩解 誰將號令天下

【聯合報╱陳欣之/成功大學政治系副教授(台南市)】

國際經貿暨金融的有序穩定,以及相對和平的國際環境,是國際社會得以在過去六十餘年快速成長的基

礎,這些被稱為國際公共財的要素,主要來自於霸權的獨力支撐。然而自金融海嘯肆虐以來,美國向全球

提供國際公共財的能力正逐漸下降。

未來如果國際公共財日趨稀疏的趨勢未能迅速扭轉,國際社會缺乏最高權威的結構性壓力,將迫使各國

在失序中採取自求多福的自利行為,極有可能在全球進行權力重分配的過程中,引爆新一波的利益衝突



首先,全球經貿金融制度正陷入現狀改變者與既得利益間的對峙,但各方尚無心打破僵局主導局勢。世

界貿易組織多哈回合談判遲遲未見突破,原預定每兩年舉行一次的世貿部長級會議自二○○五年的香港

部長會議之後就未再舉辦,全球自由貿易制度更面臨貿易保護主義可能捲土重來的挑戰。國際貨幣基金

暨世界銀行在金融海嘯的表現更是進退失據,面臨進行必要改革的壓力。中國、印度暨巴西等國雖大聲

疾呼改革全球經貿暨金融制度,但是這些新興國家並無力扭轉乾坤;相反地,美國等既得利益者亦只能因

循苟且,以不變應萬變。


第二,美國在金融海嘯後所採行的自利行為,或是霸權停止提供全球公共財的預兆,將引發其他國家的

疑懼,升高全球的不確定性。近日中國總理溫家寶及中國人民銀行副行長胡曉煉,先後針對美國印刷美

鈔解救美國金融危機的舉措,表達了對中國持有美國國債安全性的憂慮。當今中美兩國受到經貿互賴的

束縛,但在大難來臨之際,中國對單方輸血支持美國市場活力的成長回饋模式已有所保留,而美國是否

能履行經貿有序運作的信譽卻日趨下滑。中國對美國猜疑的升高,反映美國是否會繼續為全球提供公共

財的不確定性,已成為新興大國的心頭陰影。


最後,提供國際公共財需要承擔極大的物質成本,美國歐巴馬政府為挽救金融海嘯衝擊所採行的一連串

措施,尚無立竿見影的效果,卻有可能使美國元氣大傷,難以再扮演支撐全球公共財的角色。現今國際社

會中非但沒有出現足以取代美國的另一位全球公共財供給者,更缺乏區域性或是全球性的制度安排,以

因應全球公共財短缺時的變局。無論未來美國能否度過此次金融海嘯,美元作為全球金融暨貿易通貨的

地位已受到重創,全球經貿的流通秩序正面臨保護主義的挑戰,甚至美國「警長」維持全球穩定的迷思更

可能成為歷史。

當美國提供全球公共財的能力暨意願日落西山,國際格局中的不確定性將快速升高,成為大國合作的障

礙,製造更多的安全難題,為全球列強間的互動,投下不必要的陰影。而更大的難題在於,當世界落入全

球公共財崩塌的挑戰時,有誰願挺身而出挽救全球政經失序,還是各國非經一番血腥競逐後才見鹿死誰

手號令天下?

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