Can US Iran Negotiations Succeed?

Published in The Oriental Daily News
(Malaysia) on 18 April 2026
by Ma Yanyan (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
What exactly will the United States and Iran discuss in the next round of negotiations? And is there any possibility of success?

First, regarding the substance of the negotiations, the United States initially put forward roughly 20 conditions, which were rejected by Iran. By and large, these conditions were based on furthering the best interests of the United States, including agreement that Iran not possess the capability to manufacture nuclear weapons, and that it hand over more than 400 kilograms (about 882 pounds) of highly enriched uranium, accept joint management with the United States of the Strait of Hormuz, adhere to limits on its missile and drone development, and cease to cultivate its regional proxies. Thanks to a strategy of horizontal and vertical upgrades and its control of a key maritime choke point that determines one-fifth of the world’s energy flow, Iran has not been at a disadvantage in its conflict with the United States and Israel; on the contrary, it has demonstrated a degree of strategic advantage, and therefore holds the bargaining chips.

Iran presented 10 negotiation conditions of its own, similarly aimed at maximizing Iran’s interests. These included the lifting of American sanctions, compensation for war-related damages, withdrawal of U.S. troops from the Middle East, and recognition of Iran’s control over the Strait of Hormuz. Given that the United States has claimed to have destroyed Iran’s navy, air defense systems, military capabilities, and to have won the war, it is unlikely the U.S. will agree in full to Iran’s conditions.

In the initial stages of the negotiations, both sides presented the terms that best served their respective interests. Next came the first round of formal negotiations in Pakistan between the United States and Iran. Both sides dispatched very high-level representatives: The United States sent Vice President JD Vance, and Iran sent the powerful speaker of the Iranian parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, demonstrating that both parties were eager to secure a permanent ceasefire and a peace agreement.

Conversely, in those formal negotiations, and likely due to the desire of both sides to come to an agreement as quickly as possible, the parties focused on only three conditions: lifting economic sanctions against Iran, prohibiting Iran from possessing nuclear weapons, and management of the Strait of Hormuz. According to sources familiar with the matter, the two parties had basically already reached a consensus, but the United States then introduced additional conditions, causing these first formal talks to break down

This weekend, the United States and Iran will hold a second round of formal talks, likely focusing on the three key issues mentioned above. And it is easy to see why: With the ceasefire expiration date looming, both sides are as eager for a successful peace agreement now as they were for a ceasefire then. Trump even stated that he would personally travel to Pakistan to sign the agreement if the talks were successful.*

For the peace talks to succeed, both sides, therefore, need to compromise. For one thing, the parties need to negotiate lifting economic sanctions against Iran in conjunction with the second and third issues, namely that Iran cannot possess nuclear weapons, and determining the management of the Strait of Hormuz, respectively. The core interest for the United States is that Iran not possess nuclear weapons; for its part, while Iran may promise not to possess nuclear weapons, its own core demand, in essence, is the right to use nuclear technology rather than to possess nuclear arms. As for how this would be monitored in concrete terms, it would likely require a return to the specific provisions of the Iran nuclear deal (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) from which Trump withdrew, to ensure the technological oversight needed to guarantee Iran’s non-nuclear status.

But this set of negotiations is not expected to address issues such as oversight. Trump would prefer a swift and visibly productive agreement: As long as the deal involves Iran committing to not possessing nuclear weapons, he will have achieved his [objective] and can declare victory. As for oversight matters, these may be left to a handful of relatively unimportant technocrats once a ceasefire agreement has been reached. On the nuclear issue, the United States may demand that Iran surrender more than 400 kilograms (about 882 pounds) of enriched uranium. Should Iran refuse, the United States could suggest diluting the uranium or storing it in a third-party country, thus gaining the reassurance that, once a ceasefire is in place, Iran will not immediately be able to convert it into nuclear weapons.

For another thing, with regard to the management of the Strait of Hormuz, Iran is asserting its dominance over the waterway, but the United States is concerned that, even after a ceasefire, an Iran-controlled Strait of Hormuz will remain a crucial bargaining chip for Tehran against the United States and Middle Eastern countries, and a key means of influencing global energy flows and the wider economy, with an effect comparable to that of having a nuclear weapon. As both president and businessman, Trump has repeatedly stated his desire to control the Strait of Hormuz given its immense business potential. The United States is therefore likely to propose joint management of the strait by itself and Iran — a scenario that Iran is just as unlikely to accept, as it would mean relinquishing its most valuable bargaining chip. Joint administration of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran and Oman would be one possible compromise. Finally, if agreements are reached on all the above terms, the United States could lift its economic sanctions on Iran.

The pressure behind both sides to push for peace talks is very real. So long as both make appropriate concessions and compromises with regard to the negotiations’ contents, I believe the chances of a successful outcome remain fairly high.

*Editor's note: The second round of negotiations were abruptly canceled Saturday April 25 just before U.S. envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner were scheduled to fly to Pakistan.


美伊谈判能成功吗?

发布于 2026年04月18日 07时50分 • 最后更新 1周前 • 岩说变局 • 评论: 马岩岩

美伊在下一轮谈判究竟要谈哪些内容?有没有可能谈判成功?

首先谈判内容,之前美国给了大约20条的谈判条件,但是遭到伊朗的拒绝,这20条谈判细节,大概都以美国的最大利益为出发点,例如伊朗不能具备制造核武器的能力,交出400公斤多的高浓度浓缩铀,伊朗需与美国共同管理霍尔木兹海峡,限制导弹无人机发展的规格,不能继续发展伊朗的地区代理人等。通过横向纵向升级战略,以及掌控著决定世界五分之一能源流动的关键海上要塞的伊朗,在对美以的战争中,并没有出于劣势,反而凸显出一定的战略优势,所以伊朗握有谈判的筹码。

那么伊朗随后也给出10点谈判的条件。大概内容也是依据伊朗利益的最大化给出的,例如美国需要取消对伊朗的制裁,美国需要赔偿战争损失,美国军队需要撤出中东,美国需要承认伊朗对霍尔木兹海峡具有主导权等。那么声称毁掉伊朗海军,防空系统,军事能力并赢得战争的美国,也不可能完全答应伊朗的条件。

双方的谈判,在开始阶段,一来一回都给出了对自己最大利益的谈判条件。接下来就到美伊第一回合在巴基斯坦的正式的谈判进程。双方都派出了极高级别的谈判代表,美方派出了副总统万斯,伊朗方面派出了具有实权人物伊朗伊斯兰议会议长卡利巴夫,足以看到彼此对永久停战和达成和平协议,都是迫切的。

相反在正式谈判中,应该是出于双方都想尽快达成协议的原因,双方只重点探讨三个谈判条件,一是解除伊朗的经济制裁;二是伊朗不能拥核;三是霍尔木兹海峡的管理问题。根据知情人的信息,双方已经基本达成共识了,但是美国又提出其他的谈判条件,使得第一次的正式谈判破裂。

来到这个周末,双方会进行第二轮的正式谈判。应该也是针对以上三个重点事项进行谈判。可想而知,马上就到停战的结束期,双方当时有多么急切停战谈判,现在就有多么急切和谈成功,特朗普都说了,如果和谈成功,亲自去巴基斯坦签署。

那么想要和谈成功,双方都需要妥协。首先针对第一条解除对伊朗的经济制裁,这条需要伴随第二条伊朗不能拥核和第三条霍尔木兹海峡的管理问题一起展开谈判。美国的核心利益是伊朗不能拥核,其实伊朗可以承若不拥核,伊朗实质性的核心诉求是具备使用核技术的权力而不是拥核,具体怎样监督这一点,估计又要回到特朗普退出的《伊朗核协议》中的具体规定,确保伊朗不拥核的相关技术监管。

但是这次谈判估计不会涉及如何监管之类的问题,特朗普会更喜欢快速而富有成果的协议,只要协议上有伊朗承诺不拥核,特朗普就达到目标了,宣称自己的胜利,至于怎么监管也许停战协议后,陆续由不要紧的几个技术官僚去处理。另外关于核的问题,美国也许会提出伊朗需要交出400多公斤的浓缩铀,伊朗如果不愿意交出,也可以建议把400多公斤的浓缩铀稀释了,或者保管在第三国家,让美国放心这400多公斤浓缩铀不会在停战后,伊朗马上把它变成核武器。

其次霍尔木兹海峡的管理,伊朗主张对霍尔木兹海峡的主导权,但是美国担心,停战后,伊朗控制的霍尔木兹海峡依然是伊朗对付美国,中东国家,以及控制世界能源和经济的相当于核威力的重要筹码。而作为总统也是商人的特朗普不止一次说过,他要控制霍尔木兹海峡,这里存在巨大商机,所以美国估计要提议,由美国和伊朗共同管理海峡。但是伊朗估计很难接受,它不会交出手里握有的最大筹码,有可能妥协的方式是霍尔木兹海峡可以由伊朗和阿曼共同管理。最后就是如果以上的条款都达成了,那么美国可以结束对伊朗的经济制裁。

双方达成和平谈判的背后压力是真实存在的,只要双方互相就谈判内容适当的迂回和妥协,相信谈判成功的几率还是蛮大的。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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