Chancellor Merkel visits President Obama in Washington for the first time on Friday. Even leading U.S. newspapers call their relationship tense.
Silently, but clearly, a chasm has opened between the United States and Germany; the U.S. media – above all the New York Times – is certain of that. Officially and publicly, harmony radiates between them, but behind closed doors there seems to be a lot of grumbling. The reasons for the bad vibrations between Merkel and Obama run the gamut from the financial crisis to Afghanistan and on to Guantanamo.
The Americans see it this way: Obama may well be the most popular politician in Germany, but that doesn’t mean he is making political hay because of it. The Washington Post even says that since his inauguration, all he’s gotten from the German Chancellor and her Parliament is “a lot of scolding and snubs.” And it’s obvious that Germany’s Grand Coalition doesn’t seem to want to help Obama out with more troops for Afghanistan or by accepting some of the Guantanamo inmates.
All that stands in contrast to the joyous welcome Germany gave Obama the presidential candidate in 2008 and that, according to some U.S. media outlets, makes Germany into some sort of sad before and after example. Some Washington observers claim to note that Merkel, who found a remarkably good connection to former President George W. Bush, is having trouble warming up to Obama.
Prior to Chancellor Merkel’s state visit to Obama on Friday, German agencies and politicians are all working to polish Germany’s image. CDU deputy chief Roland Koch will accompany Merkel to ensure a pleasant atmosphere. “Media reports of difficult relations between Obama and Merkel are incorrect,” Koch said in a television interview. On the contrary, he said, both politicians share “a similar sober and rational way of operating.” And, he added, since Obama took office, he has met with Merkel more than with any other head of state.
Is it all just a tempest in a teapot, then? Not entirely. It’s true that German representatives of political organizations are delighted that the Americans now regularly ask their German counterparts for advice and viewpoints. That’s something that was unthinkable under Bush. But Merkel’s blunt criticism of the U.S. Federal Reserve’s handling of the fiscal crisis caused a lot of raised eyebrows along the Potomac. In a speech she gave on June 2nd in Berlin, she blamed the Fed for its loose monetary policies. “I view that with extreme skepticism,” she announced, thereby breaking with a tacit tradition of refraining from criticizing independent central banks.
Shortly prior to that, Berlin was making agitated noises regarding the Opel branch of General Motors. In all the internal haggling in the U.S. about GM’s future, Opel apparently played no significant role, something that obviously wasn’t very helpful to German politicians seeking reelection. Another sore point was the perception in the United States that Germans didn’t hesitate to lay all the blame for the financial crisis directly on the Americans – until it became apparent just how much German banks were involved in the bubble caused by real estate speculation. According to the IMF, it’s now thought that German banks are holding more toxic paper on their books than American banks. That fact is now mentioned often and with pleasure in Washington.
Germany’s reluctance to accept Uighur prisoners found not guilty after serving seven years at Guantanamo resulted in surprisingly little criticism. The German government dug in its heels on that and demanded the United States had to accept some of them as well, and also had to provide Germany with further details of the plan. Angry Obama supporters are disappointed with Europe in general over the Guantanamo prisoner issue, since none of the other major EU countries seem especially eager to demonstrate their cooperation and sparkling human rights records either.
Leaders in Washington have apparently given up trying to coax Germany into sending more troops to Afghanistan. Sympathetic experts on Europe say most people understand Germany’s historic role concerning military ventures. Others, like Obama’s Assistant Secretary of State for Europe, Phil Gordon, see Europe in general and Germany in particular as strong powers that should be quickly employed before too much time is lost. Coalition partners usually share similar opinions on most subjects. It’s also hopeless to think Germany might be convinced to take on a more active role with the Pakistan problem.
A witticism has been circulating for some time now among those Washintonians getting tired of Europe. It goes, “Germany’s foreign policy is like a black hole. A lot falls into it, but nothing ever comes out.”
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